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Examines use of statistical sampling methods to estimate the US population, methodological and political debate, apportioning seats in Congress on the basis of census data, accuracy of the census, and resolving tensions over census taking; includes opposing positions; 6 articles. Contents: The census count: who counts? how do we count? when do we count? by Lynne Billard; Using statistical sampling to estimate the U.S. population: the methodological and political debate over census 2000, by Thomas L. Nrunell; History, myth making, and statistics: a short sotry about the reapportionment of Congress and the 1990 census, by Margo Anderson and Stephen E. Fienberg; Rejoinder to Anderson and Fienberg, by Thomas L. Brunell; Partisan politics at work: sampling and the 2000 census, by Margo Anderson and Stephen E. Fienberg; Making sense to the census: it's political, by Thomas L. Brunell; How Congress does the difficult, by Sidney Waldman.

The 2021 England and Wales Census was matched to the Census Coverage Survey (CCS). This was an essential requisite for estimating undercount in the Census. To ensure outputs could be produced within a year of census day, matching had to be completed in eight weeks.
We used the Data Access Platform to write efficient and accurate automatic matching algorithms. Probabilistic and associative matching methods were used to present candidate pairs that could not be automatically matched but likely consisted of many true matches. These were resolved by matchers in the clerical matching system. Active learning was used to iteratively improve probabilistic parameters as matches were made.
We also developed a pre-search algorithm that simplifies clerical matching by replacing clerical searching (here's a record, can you find a match?) with clerical resolution (here are two records, do they match?).
As a result of our improvements, we increased our automatic matching rates from 70% (2011 Census) to 93% (2021 Census) for person matching and from 60% to 95% for household matching, without loss of accuracy. Precision and recall were estimated to both be 99.96% for person matching and 100% and 99.78% respectively for household matching. For both persons and households, the same trends seen in 2011 are seen here too; however, most of the biases have decreased and most match rates have increased.
Dual system estimation using the matched and unmatched records enabled us to estimate that coverage in the 2021 England and Wales Census was 97%.
The matching methodology implemented for the 2021 Census to CCS matching improved both person and household matching greatly when compared with the 2011 matching. The clerical matching system enabled clerical matching at scale and at pace. Thus, we successfully completed all clerical matching within our eight-week deadline.

Translated from Vestnik Statistiki, no. 2, 1980.

This article aims to clarify the scope of questions about religion in population censuses, and attempts to explain why such questions were included or left out of censuses taken in different nations and periods. The quantitative aspect is a fundamental question for students of religion interested in knowing where it is possible to rely on statistics about the size of confessional groups and their basic characteristics. A common use of the census in connection with religion has been to create aggregates about the size of different congregations by nation, and to cross-tabulate this with other variables such as gender, occupations, ethnicity, or regions. Enumerations with questions about religion were performed in many countries from the mid-nineteenth century, but questions about religious affiliation never entered the US censuses, and were left out of most censuses in many other countries as is indicated in the map in figure 1. We shall try to clarify how pressure was put on statistical bureaus, parliaments, and governments to promote or hinder the inclusion of questions about religion.