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This article seeks links between contemporary Europe and its historical state-nation experiences, above all when regarding "Reading the Other". Discussing – and challenging – the main three European dimensions – geographical, political and cultural, the article points out Europe's mission/task/meta-art - still to be fully fulfilled – to develop its remarkable "capacity to live, permanently and beneficially, with cultural difference: profitably to all sides not despite their differences, but thanks to them", as well as "to acquire and share the art of learning from each other". Tracing such abilities already in the Roman Empire the article focuses in particular on two Modern Central European states, based on multiculturalism and multinationalism: the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Both are discussed as experiments worthy of becoming essential examples for the today Europe. ; Esta comunicação procura ligações entre a europa contemporânea e as suas experiências históricas de estados-nações, sobretudo no que diz respeito a "Ler o Outro". Discutindo – e desafiando – as três principais dimensões europeias – geográfica, política e cultural – o autor salienta a missão/tarefa/meta-arte da Europa – ainda por concretizar por completo – de desenvolver a sua notável "capacidade de viver, permanente e beneficamente, com a diferença cultural: proveitosamente para todos lados, não apesar das suas diferenças, mas graças a elas", bem como de "adquirir e partilhar a arte de aprender com os outros". Encontrando já tais capacidades no Império Romano, esta comunicação centra-se particularmente em dois estados europeus modernos, baseados no multiculturalismo e no multinacionalismo: a commomwealth polaco-lituana e o império austro-húngaro. Ambos são discutidos como experiências que devem tornar-se exemplos essenciais para a europa dos nossos dias.

This article seeks links between contemporary Europe and its historical state-nation experiences, above all when regarding "Reading the Other". Discussing – and challenging – the main three European dimensions – geographical, political and cultural, the article points out Europe's mission/task/meta-art - still to be fully fulfilled – to develop its remarkable "capacity to live, permanently and beneficially, with cultural difference: profitably to all sides not despite their differences, but thanks to them", as well as "to acquire and share the art of learning from each other". Tracing such abilities already in the Roman Empire the article focuses in particular on two Modern Central European states, based on multiculturalism and multinationalism: the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Both are discussed as experiments worthy of becoming essential examples for the today Europe. ; Esta comunicação procura ligações entre a europa contemporânea e as suas experiências históricas de estados-nações, sobretudo no que diz respeito a "Ler o Outro". Discutindo – e desafiando – as três principais dimensões europeias – geográfica, política e cultural – o autor salienta a missão/tarefa/meta-arte da Europa – ainda por concretizar por completo – de desenvolver a sua notável "capacidade de viver, permanente e beneficamente, com a diferença cultural: proveitosamente para todos lados, não apesar das suas diferenças, mas graças a elas", bem como de "adquirir e partilhar a arte de aprender com os outros". Encontrando já tais capacidades no Império Romano, esta comunicação centra-se particularmente em dois estados europeus modernos, baseados no multiculturalismo e no multinacionalismo: a commomwealth polaco-lituana e o império austro-húngaro. Ambos são discutidos como experiências que devem tornar-se exemplos essenciais para a europa dos nossos dias.

This paper uses results of a questionnaire survey to look at how central bankers in the Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, & Slovakia view various criteria of central bank independence & compares their responses with central bankers in industrial countries. Central bankers from both groups agree very strongly on the importance of two pillars of central bank independence: goal independence & freedom to implement these goals, together with a system of how credit is granted by a central bank to a government that gives the central bank powers to determine terms & limits the extent of such credit. Based on the responses, the paper also identifies some weaknesses of the most frequently used indices of central bank independence & makes recommendations on how to improve them. 1 Table, 13 References. Adapted from the source document.

Abstract This paper uses results of a questionnaire survey to look at how central bankers inthe Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland and Slovakia view various criteria of centralbank independence and compares their responses with central bankers in industrialcountries. Central bankers from both groups agree very strongly on the importanceof two pillars of central bank independence: goal independence and freedom toimplement these goals, together with a system of how credit is granted by a centralbank to a government that gives the central bank powers to determine terms andlimits the extent of such credit. Based on the responses, the paper also identifiessome weaknesses of the most frequently used indices of central bank independenceand makes recommendations on how to improve them.

Central America, though affected for decades by profound socioeconomic transformations, has been more or less quiescent politically. The sudden eruption of revolutionary turmoil in the region, as seen in recent events in Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Guatemala, has shattered the political status quo and cast Central America into the U.S. foreign poli

During the past decades, central banks acquired considerable independence from democratic institutions under the Central Bank Independence (CBI) template. Yet, the changing role of central banks since the 2007–2008 crisis has led to a (re)politicization of central banking and has weakened the scientific and political consensus on the CBI model. In turn, central bankers have tried to neutralize repoliticization and these efforts have shaped their unconventional monetary policies. In this chapter, we review how the (critical) political economy literature has scrutinized the evolving role of central banks this last decade, and we debunk central banks' depoliticization strategies. First, we examine how financial power shapes central banks' unconventional policies to the benefit of private finance. Second, we analyze how these "high-finance" struggles affects "low-finance," that is, what are the distributive effects of post-crisis monetary policy on firms and households? Finally, we review current debates on alternative monetary tools, which could potentially fare better than current monetary arrangements in distributive, ecological, and democratic terms.

During the past decades, central banks acquired considerable independence from democratic institutions under the Central Bank Independence (CBI) template. Yet, the changing role of central banks since the 2007–2008 crisis has led to a (re)politicization of central banking and has weakened the scientific and political consensus on the CBI model. In turn, central bankers have tried to neutralize repoliticization and these efforts have shaped their unconventional monetary policies. In this chapter, we review how the (critical) political economy literature has scrutinized the evolving role of central banks this last decade, and we debunk central banks' depoliticization strategies. First, we examine how financial power shapes central banks' unconventional policies to the benefit of private finance. Second, we analyze how these "high-finance" struggles affects "low-finance," that is, what are the distributive effects of post-crisis monetary policy on firms and households? Finally, we review current debates on alternative monetary tools, which could potentially fare better than current monetary arrangements in distributive, ecological, and democratic terms.