Suchergebnisse

Ponovnim razmatranjem formalnih značajki sklopa zvonika i kapitularne dvorane samostana sv. Marije u Zadru otvara se pitanje njegove izvorne funkcije, odnosno smisao Kolomanovog graditeljskog pothvata 1105. godine. Prijedlog rješenja problema jest funkcija kraljevske kapele, na sto- osim same arhitektonske koncepcije- ukazuju i liturgijsko- ikonografski, te povijesno- politički kontekst gradnje. Vraćajući se formalno-stilskim problemima, ovakva interpretacija Kolomanovog sklopa pruža odgovore na pitanja o širenju određenih arhitektonskih i dekorativnih oblika sa zapadne na istočnu jadransku obalu, te dalje u unutrašnjost pod jurisdikcijom ugarske crkve. ; Erection of the architectural ensemble consisting of the chapter house and the bell tower in the precinct of the nunnery of St. Mary in Zadar represents a turning point in the architectural practice of medieval Dalmatia, featuring for the first time elements of the High Romanesque style. Question of the function of this architecture, related to Hungarian king Coloman and his military campaign in Dalmatia in 1105, has not, however, been discussed so far. The form of a private chapel, that is, a hall joined by an axial bell tower with a gallery on the first floor, indicates an initial function for the private, in this case royal, liturgy. Such interpretation is supported by the architectural articulation and decorative programme of the western gallery (featuring an inscription with the name of the king), and the reconstruction of the external access to the gallery indicating a user who was not a member of the monastic community. In addition, liturgical and iconographic aspects, together with political context of Coloman's architectural intervention provide more evidence for such a use of the gallery. The iconography of the wall paintings in the gallery corresponds not only to the usual iconography of the western complexes, but also to the liturgy of laudes regiae by appearance of the same saintly figures: Christ the Saviour, Virgin Mary, John the Baptist and Archangel Gabriel. The mention of the palace built by Coloman in Zadar, provided by a 14th-century Hungarian chronicle, gives another indication of king's presence in the city, and therefore of the need for the royal chapel. Returning to the question of style, the interpretation of the complex as the royal chapel offers answers for several problems concerning the circulation of decorative and architectural forms in the region, both as the model for and the further influence of the chapel. The form was determined by its function in terms of the symbolic importance it had for its contemporaries. On the basis of the stylistic similarity, but also the symbolic compatibility, the "Contarini" phase (consecrated in 1094) of St. Mark's in Venice is established as the model for the decoration of Coloman's chapel. Diffusion of forms (cubic capitals, frieze of heart-shaped palmettes, and cross-ribbed vaulting) from Zadar to Dalmatia and to the continent under direct Hungarian ecclesiastical jurisdiction, provides a more complex picture. Firstly, one can discern the immediate and continuous influence visible in the city of Zadar (St. Thomas, St. Mary Maior, the cathedral). Furthermore, there is a homogenous group of churches on the territory newly subjected to the Church of Zadar (primarily on the island of Krk) following its elevation to the level of archbishopric in 1154. Finally, spread of the forms of Coloman's chapel to another group of churches (Gora, Szekesfehervar, Kaštel Gomilica) is related to its direct political conotations used by Hungarian church prelates or secular dignitaries. The importance of the city of Zadar and the monastery of St. Mary that caused Coloman's intervention is explained by the role of Zadar as the capital of Dalmatia since the 9th century, while the monastery gained importance through its role in the church reform, but also through the traditional ties with the family of Madii, and with Croatian king Petar Krešimir IV. It is interesting to note similar strategy of relating to the abbess that both kings used in order to strenghten their rule in Dalmatia. By relating to the monastery of St. Mary, primarily by inserting his royal chapel in its precinct, Coloman consciously followed the "traditions" of the Croatian ruler, the strategy which is discernible in other aspects of his rule as well.

Prijetnja koja dotiče sadašnju Srednju Europu vezana je uz dvije skupine uzroka. Kao prvo, s politikom Rusije koja traži novo mjesto za sebe na globalnoj razini. Kao drugo, s krizom unutar same Unije, koja se većinom tiče zemalja Srednje Europe kao najmlađeg njezinog člana i onoga koji nosi postkomunistički teret. Geostrateški, ideološki i kulturološki aspekti povezani s prethodno spomenutim kompleksima prijetnje bit će predmet izlaganja na konferenciji. ; The threat that Central Europe faces nowadays is connected with two sets of causes. The first cause is Russian politics that attempts to establish a new position on a global level. And the second is the crisis within the Union, which has mainly affected Central European countries, their youngest members that still bear the post-communist burden. The paper focuses on geostrategic, ideological and cultural aspects regarding the abovementioned complex threat.

Svrha ovog rada je analizirati strukturalne i produktivne promjene zemalja srednje i istočne Europe (CEE). Razdoblje istraživanja obuhvaća godine nakon pristupanja Europskoj uniji, od 2004. do 2018. godine. Ova studija želi odgovoriti na sljedeće pitanje: Koji su učinci rezultat integracije s Europskom unijom u području produktivnosti? Analiza pokriva dvije glavne kategorije rasta produktivnosti rada: čisti rast produktivnosti rada i strukturalni rast produktivnosti rada. Nadalje, ispituju se čimbenici koji mogu utjecati na čiste i strukturne promjene produktivnosti. Glavne metode istraživanja primijenjene u ovom radu su analiza pomaka udjela i metode panel podataka. Analiza pokazuje da su se u promatranom razdoblju sve zemlje središnje i istočne Europe poboljšale i u smislu čiste i strukturalne produktivnosti. Međutim, utjecaj čiste produktivnosti rada bio je znatno manji od utjecaja strukturalne produktivnosti rada; to znači da se glavna promjena na razini produktivnosti više može pripisati promjenama u zapošljavanju između sektora, nego li modernizaciji tehnoloških procesa. Produktivnost se povećala u svim sektorima, ali najznačajniji rast dogodio se u uslužnim sektorima, posebno u financijskim i osiguravajućim djelatnostima i nekretninama. Istodobno, smanjila se zaposlenost u manje produktivnim sektorima, poput poljoprivrede, šumarstva i ribarstva. Nadalje, rezultati analize panel podataka potvrđuju značajan utjecaj procijenjenih faktora na čisti i strukturalni rast produktivnosti. Stoga, ukupna promjena produktivnosti na području Srednje i Istočne Europe može imati pozitivan utjecaj na oba oblika rasta produktivnosti. I strukturalni i čisti rast produktivnosti potiču ulaganje u istraživanje i razvoj, uvoz roba informacijske i komunikacijske tehnologije (IKT) i otvorenost trgovine. Nadalje, ovo istraživanje potvrđuje pozitivan utjecaj koje ima povećanje ulaganja u istraživanje i razvoj poslovnih poduzeća i porast broja istraživača na omjer radne snage na produktivnost sektora, iako postoje bitne razlike između sektora. Ovo istraživanje mogu koristiti vladine agencije u izradi politika industrijskog razvoja. ; The purpose of this paper is to analyse the structural and productivity changes of Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries. The research period covers the years following accession into the European Union, from 2004 until 2018. This study aims to answer the following question: What effects have resulted from the integration with the European Union in terms of the sphere of productivity? The analysis covers two main categories of labour productivity growth: pure labour productivity growth and structural labour productivity growth. Moreover, factors that may affect both pure and structural productivity changes are examined. The main research techniques are shift-share analysis and panel data methods. The analysis shows that all the CEE countries in the studied period improved in terms of both pure and structural productivity. The impact of pure labour productivity, however, was much smaller than that of structural labour productivity; this means that the main change in productivity level was more attributable to changes in employment between sectors than to the modernisation of technological processes. Productivity increased in all sectors, but the most significant growth occurred in service sectors, specifically in financial and insurance activities and real estate activities. Simultaneously, employment decreased in less productive sectors, such as agriculture, forestry, and fishing. Furthermore, the results of the panel data analysis confirm a significant impact of the evaluated factors on pure and structural productivity growth. Thus, aggregate productivity change in the CEE area can have a positive impact on both forms of productivity growth. Both structural and pure productivity growth are stimulated by research and development expenditures, information and communication technology (ICT) goods imports, and trade openness. Moreover, this research confirms the positive impacts of business enterprise research and development expenditure growth and an increase in the number of researchers to the workforce ratio on sector productivity, although there are substantial differences between sectors. This research can be used by government agencies in establishing industrial development policies.

The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi,中国特色社国主国) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, 走出去国略) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China's continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China's accession to WTO in 2001 marked China's full integration into the global economy and since then the People's Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism "16+1", with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the "16+1" China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation. ; The Belt and Road Initiative proclaimed by President Xi in 2013, a strategy developed by the Chinese government, is very important to China but is not confined to China. In order for the initiative to be successful it needs to be embraced by the countries on the terrestrial and maritime route indicated in the plan. In the late 1980s Deng Xiaoping proposed to integrate Socialism with Chinese Characteristics (Zhongguo Tese Shehui Zhuyi,中国特色社国主国) into global capitalism and in the 1990s the Jiang Zemin leadership initiated the Going out policy (Zouchuqu Zhanlue, 走出去国略) – the current Belt and Road Initiative is China's continuation in implementing those policies into actual deeds. China's accession to WTO in 2001 marked China's full integration into the global economy and since then the People's Republic of China (PRC) has become the largest trading partner for more than 180 countries. The Xi-Li administration has been extremely proactive since it was established in 2012; from that year on, Chinese behavior in international affairs has gained an ever-growing role as a forger of economic and diplomatic ties between countries. The primary example of this behavior is the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). As every serious foreign policy plan, the BRI is an accumulation of various other initiatives. For example, the cooperation mechanism "16+1", with which the PRC has approached Central and Eastern European Countries (CEEC), can be integrated under the BRI. This paper analizes the "16+1" China-CEEC cooperation mechanism in the context of the bigger BRI initiative, and tries to comprehend the economic and political factors intertwined with its implementation.

Rad istražuje suprotstavljenost geostrategija i geoekonomija u Središnjoj Aziji i regiji Kaspijskog jezera. Regije imaju stratešku važnost kad su posrijedi zalihe nafte i plina, koje predstavljaju i ugrozu regionalnoj sigurnosti. Nakon stoljeća ruske dominacije Središnja Azija postala je regijom s pet neovisnih država. Ruski je utjecaj u devedesetima oslabio; postupno se vratio, no dobio je suparnike. SAD i NR Kina počeli su natjecanje za zalihe nafte i plina u Središnjoj Aziji i regiji Kaspijskog jezera. Prisutnost SAD-a u Iraku i Afganistanu, vojne baze SAD-a, ruska prisutnost i vojne baze, rastući utjecaj Kine, blizina Irana i Turske regiji te vojna i ekonomska savezništva pokazuju da je Središnja Azija predmet suparništva velikih sila. Ravnoteža snaga, nestabilnost i borba za kontrolu nad zalihama nafte i plina znače da je počela nova "velika igra". ; The paper studies rivalry of geostrategies and geoeconomies in Central Asia and the Caspian Sea region. These regions have strategic value, particularly considering oil and gas reserves, which also represent a peril to the regional security. After centuries of Russian dominance, Central Asia became a region with five independent states. The Russian influence declined in the 1990s, only to return gradually, but its rivals have shown up. The USA and China started a quest for Central Asian and Caspian Sea oil and gas. The US presence in Iraq, the US and NATO's presence in Afghanistan, US military bases, Russian presence and military bases, China's rising influence, Iran's and Turkey's proximity to the region, and military and economic alliances, show that Central Asia is an arena of great power rivalry. The balance of power, instability and struggle for control over oil and gas reserves mean that the new Great Game has started.

Autor polemizira s nekoć utjecajnim teorijama transformacije – najistaknutiji predstavnici kojih su Jon Elster i Claus Off e – koje su se temeljile na teoremu o tome kako je nemoguća istodobna uspješna privredna i politička – a negdje i državna – transformacija u Istočnoj Europi. Suprotno tim teorijama, u većini postkomunističkih država Istočne Europe demokracija se konsolidirala brzo. Tu postavku autor dokazuje mjereći konsolidiranost novih demokracija Bertelsmannovim indeksom transformacije (BTI) na četiri razine: na ustavnoj i predstavničkoj razini, te na razinama ponašanja aktera i političke kulture. Promašaje u analizi transformacijskih procesa pripisuje teorijama djelovanja koje su "tranzicijsku paradigmu" iz Južne Europe i Latinske Amerike naprosto presadile u Istočnu Europu. Teorije aktera su, pak, nastojale krajnje kompleksne promjene sustava u toj regiji izvesti iz vrlo formaliziranih i pojednostavnjenih konstelacija aktera, zanemarujući vrlo različite demokratizacijske potencijale pojedinih zemalja. U "teorijskom mraku" tako su ostale tri varijable – modernost, državnost i vanjski akteri – koje teorije modernizacije, teorije sustava i strukturalističke teorije stavljaju u središte svojih razmatranja, a koje su se pokazale iznimno važnima za razumijevanje transformacijskih procesa u Istočnoj Europi. ; The author polemises with once infl uential theories of transformation – whose greats are Jon Elster and Claus Off e – which were based on the theorem that a simultaneous successful economic and political – and, somewhere, state – transformation in Eastern Europe is not possible. Contrary to these theories, in most post-communist countries of Eastern Europe democracy has consolidated rather quickly. The author demonstrates this proposition by measuring the consolidation of new democracies according to Bertelsmann's transformation index (BTI) at four levels: the constitutional and representative level, and the levels of behaviour of actors and political culture. Failures in the analysis of transformation ...

U okviru borbe protiv negativnih posljedica globalne financijske krize iz 2008. godine Europska središnja banka (ECB) je pored tradicionalnih instrumenta monetarne politike u svrhu oporavka gospodarstva relativno rano počela provoditi i nestandardne mjere. Istodobno nakon krize dolazi do intenzivnog proučavanja makroprudencijalne politike i implementiranje njenih instrumenata. S druge strane, HNB je koristio makroprudencijalne instrumente i prije krize, međutim prvu nestandardnu mjeru monetarne politike implementirao je u ožujku 2020. Provedenim istraživanjem potvrdilo se kako je provedba monetarne politike i implementacija nestandardnih mjera pozitivno utjecala na oporavak gospodarstva. Analiza s primjenom deskriptivne statistike na razini EU pokazala je kako postoji značajna negativna korelacija između monetarnih agregata i stope nezaposlenosti. Provedena analiza u Hrvatskoj također pokazuje statistički značajnu negativnu korelaciju između ponude novca i stope nezaposlenosti. Međutim, analizirajući na razini EU i RH M2 monetarni agregat umanjen za novčanu masu M1 i stopu nezaposlenosti, vidljiva je jaka pozitivna korelacija, što znači da povećavanje štednje dovodi do porasta stope nezaposlenosti. Odnosi između inflacije i duga u BDP-u s ostalim varijablama su statistički nesignifikantni, kako na razini EU tako i u RH. ; As part of the fight against the negative consequences of the 2008 global financial crisis, the European Central Bank (ECB), in addition to traditional monetary policy instruments for the purpose of economic recovery, began to implement non-standard measures relatively early. At the same time, after the crisis, there is an intensive study of macroprudential policy and the implementation of its instruments. On the other hand, the Croatian National Bank (CNB) used macroprudential instruments even before the crisis, but the first non-standard monetary policy measure was implemented in March 2020. Proven research confirmed that the implementation of monetary policy and the implementation of non-standard measures had a positive impact on economic recovery. An analysis using descriptive statistics at EU level showed that there is a significant negative correlation between monetary aggregates and the unemployment rate. The conducted analysis in Croatia also shows a statistically significant negative correlation between the money supply and the unemployment rate. However, analyzing at the EU and Croatian level M2 the monetary aggregate reduced by the money supply M1 and the unemployment rate, a strong positive correlation is visible, which means that the increase in savings leads to an increase in the unemployment rate. The relations between inflation and debt in GDP with other variables are statistically insignificant both at the EU level and in the Republic of Croatia.

Područje srednje Europe kroz svoje burne povijesne mijene, pomicanja državnih granica, ratove, podjele i povezivanja, u književnosti najsnažnije bilježi, naravno, dva svjetska rata. Uzajamna recepcija savezničkih i protivničkih književnosti mijenjala se prema političkim stranama, savezima i suprotstavljenim blokovima da bi ponovno naizgled bila ujednačena unutar Europske unije. Međutim, Hrvatska je jedina srednjoeuropska zemlja koja je i u bližoj povijesti doživjela velik i težak rat ponovno zabilježen i u književnosti, ali i u horizontu očekivanja i književnoj recepciji srednjoeuropske književne publike zatečene pojavom rata u neposrednom susjedstvu. Ovaj rad pokazuje promjenu književne recepcije istražene analizom sadržaja internetskih stranica pojedinih srednjoeuropskih zemalja, a dobivene rezultate stavlja u kontekst povijesnoga nasljeđa i nacionalnih interaktivnosti. ; The area of Central Europe through its turbulent historical changes, shifting of national borders, wars, divisions and connections, marks the strongest record in literature of the two world wars, of course. Mutual reception of allied and opposing literatures was changing according to political parties, alliances and opposing blocks in order to again be apparently uniformed within the European Union. However, Croatia is the only Central European country which has experienced a big and difficult war in its recent history which was re-recorded in literature as well, but also in the horizon of expectations and literary reception of the Central European literary audience which was caught unprepared by the occurence of war in the immediate neighbourhood. This paper shows the change of literary reception researched through the analysis of the website contents of certain Central European countries, while the given results are put in the context of the historical heritage and national interactivity.