Contemporary states are undergoing a process of rapid transformation that encumbers their functioning & sustains their state of crisis. Their external sovereignty is undoubtedly on the wane, in relation to both global economic actors & transnational & supranational political structures. Internally, the hierarchical functioning of government has been called into question. Although the state's share in the social product is constantly increasing, so are the demands for the state's support & regulation in various areas, resulting in a permanent fiscal crisis of the state. The author claims that the contemporary metamorphoses of the state & the prospects for its development can be understood solely by analyzing the changes in contemporary society. The industrial society, even the "service society" (Dahrendorf), is being transformed into an information & communication society, in which the key processes are the production & distribution of knowledge, while the central power resources are mechanisms of the monopolization of knowledge. The information & communication media play the central role in social & political processes. The new increase of social inequality has intensified the tendency of social desolidarization. The new level of social dynamics, mobility, complexity, & contingency requires a new type of state. The author calls it the "cooperative state" -- the state that provides for the production of essential collective goods in the cooperative process of negotiation & bargaining, in which a plethora of social actors take part. 25 References. Adapted from the source document.
The author distinguishes between the antiquity's & Middle Ages' teachings on natural law & justice as a virtue & the modern-age Hobbes' theory of the prerequisites of the legal system. Hobbes' theory identifies the prerequisites of the legal system & describes the institution of legal constraint which guarantees the rule of law. The author points to the central historical difference between these paradigms. Finally, the author traces the evolution of Hobbes' paradigm in Kant's philosophy of right. Adapted from the source document.
Do sada slabo poznate kasnogotičke drvene skulpture s otoka Cresa prikazuju muškog sveca na prijestolju u gesti blagoslova. Creska grupa srodna je poznatim istarskim i kvarnerskim, ali i dalmatinskim te venecijanskim primjerima skulptura s prikazom iste teme. Zbog brojnosti evidentiranih primjera, tema sveca na prijestolju čini se izrazito popularna pa se analizira funkcija prikaza i naglašava da većina tih skulptura prikazuje titulare crkava. Temeljem pojedinih arhivskih podataka, analize kompozicije i usporedbe sa cjelovito očuvanim poliptisima ustanovljuje se da je skulptura sveca na prijestolju uglavnom bila postavljena kao centralni motiv oltarnog retabla. Pretpostavljen je veći broj lokalnih majstora koji izrađuju takve skulpture pod različitim stupnjem utjecaja venecijanske umjetnosti. ; La scultura di legno tardo gotica dell' isola di Cherso, fin adesso poco conosciuta, presenta un santo sul trono in atto di benedizione. Le tre sculture dei santi sul trono, sia in grandezza naturale sia in soprannaturale, sono simili nella modellatura; la scultura del patrono della città di Cherso Sant' Isidoro, dalla chiesa di Sant' Isidoro a Cherso, la scultura del vescovo di Ossero, il patrono di tutta la diocesi di Krk San Gaudenzio dalla cappella di San Gaudenzio e la scultura di San Nicola a Martinšćica dall' omonima cappella. Queste sculture dei santi vescovi appartenevano alla produzione seriale e si distinguevano solo dagli attributi. Le caratteristiche rustiche contiene anche la scultura di Sant'Antonio, l'abate di Cherso, originalmente situata nella cappella di Sant' Antonio a Cherso. Le sculture menzionate fanno parte d'un gruppo di sculture di legno tardo gotiche, dei santi seduti, che sono numerose in tutta l'Istria e il Quarnaro. La maggior parte delle sculture sia d'Istria sia di Cherso, rappresentano i titolari delle chiese e delle cappelle. In tutte le sculture la funzione del patrone viene espressa nella posizione seduta della scultura siccome il trono simboleggia la saggezza più elavata. I santi si presentano con la barba, il segno iconografico del patriarco o del profeta che anche suggerisce il potere e la saggezza. L'altra caratteristica importante e costante nella rappresentazione sono gli attributi vescovili dei santi. La morfologia del tema, il vescovo sulla cattedra, si sceglie anche per gli altri santi patroni come per esempio Sant' Antonio, l'abate che come titolare si presenta con la mitra che simboleggia il privileggio e la pastorale e che determina la dignità e il servizio pastorale per i credenti. I dati archivistici degli scultori di Cherso fin adesso non sono stati ritrovati. Ciò nonostante l'ambiente, riconosciuto come la sede dell'officina di tagliapietre molto attiva alla fine del 400 e all'inizio di 500, doveva avere anche le officine d'incisione che soddisfacevano l'esigenza della fornitura degli altari per molti edifici sacrali sull'isola. Le sculture di San Biaggio e San Girolamo dal museo di Cherso, originalmente dalla cappella di San Biaggio sono le opere d' incisione d' una qualitá più alta. La modellatura preziosa ed armoniosa e l'abilità del mastro nella cura dei dettagli della faccia con il rilievo accentato delle caratteristiche di ritratto ce lo confermano. La figura centrale di San Biaggio, suggerisce l'essistenza d'un altra figura laterale a destra ed è possibile pressuppore una composizione dell'altare originaria più complessa e più monumentale. Il santo seduto nell'atto di benedizione è molto spesso la figura centrale sui polittici dipinti di Antonio e Bartolomeo Vivarini. La tipologia dei santi di questa officina si riconosce anche nella scultura centrale di San Antonio dal polittico di Rab. Si trova nella nicchia centrale del trittico ed è uguale alla scultura di San Antonio di Castua (Kastav) che V. Ekl attribuisce al mastro friuliano Domenico di Tolmezzo. La scultura di San Isidoro di Cherso era anche la figura centrale della pala d'altare come troviamo nei documenti ed analogicamente possiamo supporre che anche le altre sculture menzionate qui abbiano la posizione centrale sulla pala d'altare. Gli altri esempi, come la scultura dal museo di Cherso, invece ci testimoniano l' imitazione delle intere pale d'altare con delle figure. L'opera più apprezzata all'interno del gruppo delle sculture di Cherso con la rappresentazione del santo sul trono è la scultura di San Nicola di Lubenica. La tipologia del vecchieto aschetico con la barba riccia e corta è simile alle figure severe dei santi di Antonio e Bartolomeo Vivarini. Il corpo della scultura è modellato secondo la tradizione greca e si suppone che la non corrispondenza sia il risultato dell'ulteriore modellazione di alcune parti del corpo. Nonostante la non corrispondenza, la scultura di Lubenica poteva essere il modello ai mastri locali che all'inizio del 500 facevano gli altari a Cres, a Osor e a Martinšćica usando gli esempi dalla propria zona ma copiandone solo le forme principali. Le sculture dal museo di Cherso risalgono alla seconda metà del 400 e non fano parte dell'officina sopra citata per quanto riguarda il loro stile prezioso. L'esempio isolato è anche san Antonio di Cherso il cui mastro mostra le caratteristiche naif e la sua non abilità. La caratteristica principale e ben nota della fornitura degli altari nell' Adriatico settentrionale fino alla metà del 500 è il polittico intagliato con le sculture di legno invece di polittico disegnato. Il santo, il prottetore, il titolare oppure il patrone della città sono i motivi logici della figura centrale degli altari in periodo in cui dominava la coscienza civile ma anche una situazione politica malsicura specialmente quando parliamo di cappelle sotto il patronato civile delle famiglie patrizie o delle congregazioni. Alle richieste di tale rappresentazione rispondono le officine d'arte e i mastri locali ripettendo le premesse assegnate del tema ma variando nella qualità dell'effettuazione.
Na temelju institucijsko-pravne analize poslova koje je središnja državna vlast tijekom razvoja upravljanja na teritoriju dodjeljivala dekoncentriranoj državnoj upravi razvija se klasifikacija uloga koju dekoncentrirana državna uprava može imati u upravno-političkom sustavu. Uloge dekoncentrirane državne uprave shvaćaju se kao ciljevi koje središnja državna vlast želi ostvariti preko institucije državnog predstavnika na teritoriju i/ili organiziranjem područnih upravnih organa i područnih upravnih jedinica. Razlikuju se integrativna, provedbena i koordinativno-planska uloga dekoncentrirane državne uprave. Njihove karakteristike opisuju se po dimenzijama vrijednosti na kojima počivaju, nositeljima poslova, teritorijalnim razinama na kojima su državne upravne jedinice organizirane te odnosa dekoncentrirane državne uprave sa središnjom državnom vlasti i lokalnim samoupravnim jedinicama. Rad sadržava prvi sustavni pregled zadaća koje dekoncentrirana državna uprava može obavljati neovisno o stupnju društvenog razvoja ili primijenjenome organizacijskom modelu dekoncentrirane državne uprave u pojedinoj zemlji u novijoj znanstvenoj literaturi. ; On the basis of the institutional-legal analysis of the tasks assigned to the deconcentrated state administration by the central government during the development of territorial management, the author develops a classification of the roles that deconcentrated state administration can have in administrative-political system. The roles of a deconcentrated state administration are understood as goals that the central government intends to achieve through the institution of a state territorial representative and / or by organizing territorial state administrative bodies and units. The integrative, implementing and coordinative-planning roles of deconcentrated state administration are distinguished. When realizing integrative role, deconcentrated state administration is in function of ensuring integrity of territorial system of administration; when realizing implementing role, deconcentrated state administration is in function of ensuring execution, preparation and lawful implementation of state regulations; when realizing coordinative-strategic role, deconcentrated state administration is in function of promoting social development. Their characteristics are described by the following dimensions: values they promote, task holders, the territorial levels state administrative bodies and units are organized on, and the relations of deconcentrated state administration with the central state government and local self-government units. The paper contains the first systematic overview of tasks that can be performed by deconcentrated state administration, regardless of the degree of social development or the applied organizational model of deconcentrated state administration in a particular country, in recent scientific literature.
Based on the experience of former rightist & communist dictatorships in Europe regarding different forms of opposition -- both open & hidden within these regimes' structures -- the author analyzes the role of the opposition in the process of the sweeping democratic change that has taken the "new democracies" of Central & Eastern Europe in the direction of the state of law & civil society. His conclusion is that in today's Central European countries, political multiparty pluralism, which includes viable parliamentary opposition, was given a smooth start & has since taken root. However, in the countries with only superficial democracy & an obvious "democratic deficit" -- eg, Croatia (& Slovakia) -- parliamentary opposition plays second fiddle. The prime movers of the change -- & of the democratization as well -- are still the ruling parties (not unlike during the communist single-party regimes). Changes occur only when the ruling party or its majority opt for them, considering them the lesser of two evils, either because they are no longer satisfied with the distribution of power & goods in the status quo, or because they are aware that it cannot be maintained in its present form. This happened in the Soviet Union, first under Nikita Khruschev & then again under Mihail Gorbachev. Changes, however, when imposed from above, get out of hand & backfire against those who have set them off (as in the case of Gorbachev); what emerges is usually a compromise between the old & the emerging regime. Adapted from the source document.
The author describes the models of the professionalization of the armed forces in today's world. The paper highlights three basic topics: (1) similarities & dissimilarities among the patterns of professionalization, ie, a possible emergence of a uniform, broad European model & its potential similarity with the existing Western models; (2) the ways in which various factors shape the patterns of professionalization in Central & Eastern Europe & the determination of their relative importance & role; & (3) the influence of Western politics on the professionalization of armed forces. 14 References. Adapted from the source document.
Due to the war in Bosnia & Herzegovina, the study of international migrations imposed itself, embracing the study of the migrations of the peoples of the former Yugoslavia & the problems of emigrants from the former East European states. The existing connection between the problem of emigrants & displaced persons, human rights, armed conflicts, lack of development, & immigration are studied within a broader perspective. The data from various states point to certain differences among the emigrants from Central Europe, the territory of the former Yugoslavia & Russia. Adapted from the source document.
The collectivist ideology of nationalisms in most states that have come out in the open from the totalitarian Bolshevik sway has triumphed over the idea of the free self-confident individual. In most "young democracies," nationalism has proved the central integrational & stabilizational force of the system & the factor that significantly contributes to its pseudolegitimation. The author claims that only the concept of a bourgeois state that takes into consideration basic human rights & freedoms & the dignity of each individual enables the overcoming of the legitimation crisis of these regimes. Adapted from the source document.
The author analyzes fundamental concepts of the school of rational expectation (RATEX, an offspring of the Chicago school of economics). Theoretical foundations of the neoclassical macroeconomy are set out: the hypothesis of rational expectations in the circumstances of perfect competition & the principle of strategic interdependence. Central to these are the hypotheses of variants, misallocation of resources, & neutrality of economic policy. Outlined are rent-seeking & direct unproductive profit-seeking as well as alternative models in the new theoretical economy: economic constitutionalism, deficitarians, the theory of political business cycles, & supply-side economics. 22 References. Adapted from the source document.
The paper describes the permeation of the Croatian language with adjacent languages that were frequently used as languages of political domination or great prestige. The author speaks about the language power of the Croatian South and the Croatian North. In Europe, more precisely in West and Central Europe, there is hardly any other nation on whose territory so many languages were spoken as it is the case with Croatia, especially in its South. However, this fact did not prevent the Croats to become one united nation in the 19th century. The only language with which Croatian was in actual conflict was Hungarian
Prema Zakonu o sustavu državne uprave iz 2019. ukidaju se uredi državne uprave kao dosadašnja prvostupanjska tijela državne uprave, a njihovi se poslovi povjeravaju na obavljanje županijama. Cilj rada jest provesti prethodnu (ex ante) evaluaciju ove organizacijske promjene kako bi se procijenilo mogu li se njezini formalni ciljevi zaista ostvariti. Kako bi se evaluacija provela, utvrđuju se predviđanja koja relevantni akteri (predstojnici i voditelji službi ureda državne uprave, pročelnici županijskih upravnih tijela, saborski zastupnici, župani i javnost) imaju od promjene. Na temelju prikupljenih empirijskih podataka identificiraju se koncepcijski i praktični problemi u provođenju ove organizacijske promjene te se utvrđuje da ona ne može ostvariti formalne ciljeve. Rad postavlja i podlogu za naknadnu (ex post) evaluaciju efekata do kojih će ova promjena dovesti. ; According to the new State Administration System Act, county administrative offices as first-instance state administration bodies will be abolished and their affairs will be delegated to counties as units of regional self-government. The goal of this paper is to conduct an ex-ante evaluation of this reform so as to determine whether its formal goals can be achieved. In order to conduct the evaluation, the expectations that relevant actors have of this reform are empirically examined. The relevant actors are divided into three groups. The first group comprises county administrative office heads, county administrative offices department chiefs, and heads of county self-government bodies. Their expectations were examined by an online survey. The second group includes political actors (members of the Parliament and county governors) whose expectations are presented through an analysis of the parliamentary debate in the course of passing the State Administration System Act, the analysis of proposals and comments on the Act and their media appearances. The third group includes the public whose expectations are presented through an analysis of the consultation process with the interested public and the publications by leading experts in public administration. Based on the empirical data collected, the conceptual and practical problems in the reform implementation are identified, with the authors concluding that this reform cannot achieve its formal goal. This data can serve as a basis for conducting ex post evaluations of the reform.
U ovom radu autor analizira političku filozofiju minimalne države Roberta Nozicka, nasto-jeći na objektivan način predočiti njezin značaj, ali i nedostatke. Autor se fokusira na Nozickovo shvaćanje nastanka države djelovanjem nevidljive ruke dominantnog zaštitnog udruženja, preko ultraminimalne do minimalne države. Iznesen je kritički osvrt na Nozicko- vu teorija pravde u posjedima na osnovu ovlaštenja, pri čemu autor ukazuje određene sla-bosti i nedorečenosti navedene teorije. U kontekstu teorijske rasprave s Johnom Rawlsom o središnjem pitanju distributivne pravde, fokus je na kritici modeliranog koncepta pravde. Autor dovodi u pitanje i Nozickovo poimanje određenih segmenata marksističkog učenja, nerijetko nalazeći ideološku isključivost. Zaključno se osvrće na Nozickovo napuštanje libertarijanskih svjetonazora, pritom iznoseći objektivan pogled na njegovu političku filozofiju. ; The author analyzes Nozick's political philosophy of minimal state, to present its significance and disadvantages objectively. The author focuses on Nozick's view of the emergence of the state by the act of the invisible hand of the dominant protective association, from the ultraminimal state to the minimal state. The central part of the paper is Nozick's theory of justice, where the author points out its specific weaknesses and inconsistencies. In the context of a theoretical debate with John Rawls on the central issue of distributive justice, the focus is on criticizing the modelled concept of justice. The author also problematizes Nozick's perception of certain segments of Marxist theory, to find ideological exclusivity. Finally, the author comments on Nozick's abandonment of libertarian worldviews, giving an objective perspective on his political philosophy.
U radu se analiziraju politička stajališta reformskih političkih elita u Srbiji i Hrvatskoj o ključnim pitanjima unutarnjega razvoja Jugoslavije početkom 1970-ih. Oba republička partijska rukovodstva stupila su na političku scenu u zenitu jugoslavenske reformske orijentacije i vala liberalizacije nakon Brijunskoga plenuma. Nova generacija srpskih i hrvatskih komunista zasnivala je svoje reformske programe na idejama demokratizacije i emancipacije jugoslavenskoga samoupravnog socijalizma. Borba za novi koncept Jugoslavije, tržišnu privredu, reformu Saveza komunista Jugoslavije i liberalizaciju društva povezivala je političke elite Zagreba i Beograda. Međutim, neriješeni odnosi u federaciji, skupa s porastom nacionalizma i snažnim otporom partijskih konzervativaca, određivali su krajnje domete suradnje reformskih snaga i perspektive razvoja demokratskoga i tržišnoga socijalizma u Jugoslaviji. ; This paper examines the relations between the two largest Yugoslav republics, Serbia and Croatia, through the political orientation of their leading reformist structures in the period from when they came to power in late 1968 to the forced resignation of the Croatian leadership in December 1971. Starting from the common strategic goals of the reform-oriented leaderships of Marko Nikezić and Savka Dabčević Kučar, the relations of official Belgrade and Zagreb fluctuated from alliance based on common interests, compatible constitutional and market goals, mutual defence from the arbitrary actions of the federal political centre, the need to expand the reformist base in society, the operationalisation of 'clean slate' politics, and a desire for the further liberalisation and democratisation of Yugoslav self-governing socialism to misunderstandings regarding the decentralisation of financial capital, different political methodologies, and different approaches to Tito. From the Tenth Session of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia to the Seventeenth Session of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, Marko Nikezić's leadership showed a much higher degree of understanding for the political challenges that were coming from the reformist political leadership in Zagreb compared to the conservatives in Belgrade, who expected that Serbia would return to the role of the key 'guardian' of Yugoslavia. Still, a change in the political course took place when Tito, using the principle of 'democratic centralism', decided to defend the decentralised state through a recentralised, monopolist party. Reformist advocates of a more decisive modernisation of Yugoslav socialism were stigmatised as a disruptive factor. For this reason, at the Twenty-First Session of the Presidency of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia in Karađorđevo, Nikezić's leadership remained alone in its disagreement with the forcible removal of leading figures of the Croatian Central Committee, knowing that the suppression of the Croatian Spring would open the way towards a permanent change of course and the re-Stalinisation of political conditions in the country as well as the complication of Croatian-Serbian relations in the future.
The paper deals with the development of political theory in Slovenia since 1990. It surveys the development of the discipline & traces its roots back to the beginning of political theory studies in 1961. Authors, ideas, books & approaches are discussed. The paper challenges the assumption that studies of political theory share a similar destiny in Central & Eastern Europe by showing that there have been no breaks or rifts in political theory in Slovenia, but that one can rather speak of evolution, where the next period is based on the previous. The paper critically evaluates the public role of political theorists, their (non)positions. Adapted from the source document.
By means of a comparative analysis of the available data, we can divide intelligence organizations into three groups of models, provisionally called American, British, & (the former) Soviet. These models have at the same time served as a basis for building intelligence systems in other states. Unlike the other two systems, the co-called British model of intelligence organization includes the central organization that coordinates the operation of all the others. The British intelligence system is made up of independent services located within different ministries, whose activities are coordinated by the cabinet or its working bodies. 1 Diagram, 23 References. Adapted from the source document.
