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This article seeks links between contemporary Europe and its historical state-nation experiences, above all when regarding "Reading the Other". Discussing – and challenging – the main three European dimensions – geographical, political and cultural, the article points out Europe's mission/task/meta-art - still to be fully fulfilled – to develop its remarkable "capacity to live, permanently and beneficially, with cultural difference: profitably to all sides not despite their differences, but thanks to them", as well as "to acquire and share the art of learning from each other". Tracing such abilities already in the Roman Empire the article focuses in particular on two Modern Central European states, based on multiculturalism and multinationalism: the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Both are discussed as experiments worthy of becoming essential examples for the today Europe. ; Esta comunicação procura ligações entre a europa contemporânea e as suas experiências históricas de estados-nações, sobretudo no que diz respeito a "Ler o Outro". Discutindo – e desafiando – as três principais dimensões europeias – geográfica, política e cultural – o autor salienta a missão/tarefa/meta-arte da Europa – ainda por concretizar por completo – de desenvolver a sua notável "capacidade de viver, permanente e beneficamente, com a diferença cultural: proveitosamente para todos lados, não apesar das suas diferenças, mas graças a elas", bem como de "adquirir e partilhar a arte de aprender com os outros". Encontrando já tais capacidades no Império Romano, esta comunicação centra-se particularmente em dois estados europeus modernos, baseados no multiculturalismo e no multinacionalismo: a commomwealth polaco-lituana e o império austro-húngaro. Ambos são discutidos como experiências que devem tornar-se exemplos essenciais para a europa dos nossos dias.

This article seeks links between contemporary Europe and its historical state-nation experiences, above all when regarding "Reading the Other". Discussing – and challenging – the main three European dimensions – geographical, political and cultural, the article points out Europe's mission/task/meta-art - still to be fully fulfilled – to develop its remarkable "capacity to live, permanently and beneficially, with cultural difference: profitably to all sides not despite their differences, but thanks to them", as well as "to acquire and share the art of learning from each other". Tracing such abilities already in the Roman Empire the article focuses in particular on two Modern Central European states, based on multiculturalism and multinationalism: the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Both are discussed as experiments worthy of becoming essential examples for the today Europe. ; Esta comunicação procura ligações entre a europa contemporânea e as suas experiências históricas de estados-nações, sobretudo no que diz respeito a "Ler o Outro". Discutindo – e desafiando – as três principais dimensões europeias – geográfica, política e cultural – o autor salienta a missão/tarefa/meta-arte da Europa – ainda por concretizar por completo – de desenvolver a sua notável "capacidade de viver, permanente e beneficamente, com a diferença cultural: proveitosamente para todos lados, não apesar das suas diferenças, mas graças a elas", bem como de "adquirir e partilhar a arte de aprender com os outros". Encontrando já tais capacidades no Império Romano, esta comunicação centra-se particularmente em dois estados europeus modernos, baseados no multiculturalismo e no multinacionalismo: a commomwealth polaco-lituana e o império austro-húngaro. Ambos são discutidos como experiências que devem tornar-se exemplos essenciais para a europa dos nossos dias.

During the past decades, central banks acquired considerable independence from democratic institutions under the Central Bank Independence (CBI) template. Yet, the changing role of central banks since the 2007–2008 crisis has led to a (re)politicization of central banking and has weakened the scientific and political consensus on the CBI model. In turn, central bankers have tried to neutralize repoliticization and these efforts have shaped their unconventional monetary policies. In this chapter, we review how the (critical) political economy literature has scrutinized the evolving role of central banks this last decade, and we debunk central banks' depoliticization strategies. First, we examine how financial power shapes central banks' unconventional policies to the benefit of private finance. Second, we analyze how these "high-finance" struggles affects "low-finance," that is, what are the distributive effects of post-crisis monetary policy on firms and households? Finally, we review current debates on alternative monetary tools, which could potentially fare better than current monetary arrangements in distributive, ecological, and democratic terms.

During the past decades, central banks acquired considerable independence from democratic institutions under the Central Bank Independence (CBI) template. Yet, the changing role of central banks since the 2007–2008 crisis has led to a (re)politicization of central banking and has weakened the scientific and political consensus on the CBI model. In turn, central bankers have tried to neutralize repoliticization and these efforts have shaped their unconventional monetary policies. In this chapter, we review how the (critical) political economy literature has scrutinized the evolving role of central banks this last decade, and we debunk central banks' depoliticization strategies. First, we examine how financial power shapes central banks' unconventional policies to the benefit of private finance. Second, we analyze how these "high-finance" struggles affects "low-finance," that is, what are the distributive effects of post-crisis monetary policy on firms and households? Finally, we review current debates on alternative monetary tools, which could potentially fare better than current monetary arrangements in distributive, ecological, and democratic terms.

The paper explores the recent presidential electoral processesbeing held in Central American countries since 2004. Theelectoral processes suggest a shift toward center and left winggovernments. Also some scenarios and perspectives are mentionedin the democratic consolidation of the isthmus countries.

Coordenadas : O2 05'-E19 08'/N53 40'-N45 10'. Meridiano de París ; Relieve : sombreado ; Leyenda de signos utilizados ; Contiene : Partie meridionale - - Partie septentrionale

Coordenadas : O2 05'-E19 08'/N53 40'-N45 10'. Meridiano de París ; Relieve : sombreado ; Leyenda de signos utilizados ; Copia digital. España : Ministerio de Cultura y Deporte. Subdirección General de Coordinación Bibliotecaria, 2010 ; Contiene : Partie meridionale - - Partie septentrionale

A number of important political and security challenges confront countries in CentralAfrica, illustrated most vividly by the rapidemergence of a rebel coalition in the CentralAfrican Republic (CAR), which gained control of approximately one-third of the countryby the end of 2012. Governance concerns, including the lack of inclusive governance,continue to present risks as both Burundi andthe CAR prepare for elections in the comingyears. In addition, despite important progressin addressing security issues, the region isthreatened by the continued operations of theLord's Resistance Army (LRA).

A number of important political and security challenges confront countries in CentralAfrica, illustrated most vividly by the rapidemergence of a rebel coalition in the CentralAfrican Republic (CAR), which gained control of approximately one-third of the countryby the end of 2012. Governance concerns, including the lack of inclusive governance,continue to present risks as both Burundi andthe CAR prepare for elections in the comingyears. In addition, despite important progressin addressing security issues, the region isthreatened by the continued operations of theLord's Resistance Army (LRA).

Central America is the name given to the isthmus connecting North America and South America. It is located mainly between 7 and 18 degrees north of the equator and consists of seven countries: Belize, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua, and Panama. Together the Central American countries cover an area of approximately 523,000 square kilometers where some 50,690,000 inhabitants live. The region is bordered by the United Mexican States to the north, the Republic of Colombia to the south, the Pacific Ocean to the west, and the Caribbean Sea to the east. Even before independence from Spain was declared in 1821, the Central American region was at a disadvantage if compared to other Spanish-speaking geopolitical hubs in the American continent. Until then, the region relied heavily on external agents for both publishing and obtaining printed materials of any kind. This did not favor the development of editorial ventures in general terms, let alone one that considered the translation of works other than diplomatic or political documents. The panorama changed very little with independence, and for much of the 19th century, translated materials were mainly imported (see Gapper 2008). It was not until the 20th century that a significant increase in local translation initiatives took place, primarily in the literary field. As the 21st century approached, with the growth of the service sector and the arrival of transnational companies, the demand for interpretation and translation services experienced a considerable increase. In this context, different local translations into Spanish of the so-called world literature classics began to be published. However, despite that progress, translation does not yet enjoy adequate recognition or study. In the academe, Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Nicaragua, and Panama have seen the emergence of undergraduate and graduate study programs at the university level. Translation and Interpretation Studies (TIS), nevertheless, are still scarce in much of the region. ...

Als zentraler Ort und Eingangstor in die finnische Hauptstadt bietet der Bereich um den Bahnhof, in dem sich das Baufeld befindet zu wenig räumliche Qualitäten und bildet gleichzeitig eine Barriere zwischen dem historischen Stadtkern und dem politischen und kulturellem Zentrum der Stadt. Der historische Bahnhof aus der Epoche des Jugendstils ist momentan eingeschlossen von einer hochfrequentierten Straße im Süden und den flankierenden Stationen des Busbahnhofs an der Ost- und Westseite. Die fußläufigen Verbindungen in die Altstadt sind gestört und das Regierungsviertel mit dem Reichstagsgebäude werden links liegen gelassen. Eine Orientierung als Neuankömmling ist schwer möglich. Darüber hinaus kommt etwa die Hälfte der Züge, vor allem die Regionalzüge nicht in der Bahnhofshalle des Kopfbahnhofes an, weil die Begrenzung durch die Seitenflügel nur eine Erweiterung des Bahnhofs nach Norden hin zuließ. Entstanden ist ein Entwurf der versucht, dem gesamten Bereich um den Bahnhof ein neues Gesicht zu geben und eine Verbesserung auf unterschiedlichen Ebenen zu erreichen. Er bündelt zum einen die verschiedenen Verkehrsströme und stellt eine bisher unterbrochene Querverbindung zwischen den benachbarten Stadtvierteln entlang des Bahnhofsareals her. Zum anderen trägt er dem Erfordernis nach einem städtebaulichen Gegenüber für das Regierungsgebäude Rechnung, welches damit in den Verbund der kulturellen Einrichtungen auf dem Töölönlahti Gelände aufgenommen wird. Darüber hinaus belebt er eine Besonderheit von Helsinki. Zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts bestand die Notwendigkeit den Hafen an das Schienennetz anzubinden. Da der Stadtkern bereits sehr dicht bebaut war, wurde ein Eisenbahnring entlang der Küste, einmal um das Stadtzentrum herum gebaut. Seitdem die Verbindung stillgelegt wurde liegt dieser Ring brach, was nun die große Chance bietet, eine kreuzungsfreien Rad- und Fußweg zu etablieren, der durch den Entwurf eines Mobilityhubs geschlossen würde. In der vorliegenden Broschüre werden die städtebaulichen Rahmenbedingungen, die Analyse der gegenwärtigen Situation und der eigentliche Entwurfsprozess, der zu dieser Lösung führte dokumentiert.

Als zentraler Ort und Eingangstor in die finnische Hauptstadt bietet der Bereich um den Bahnhof, in dem sich das Baufeld befindet zu wenig räumliche Qualitäten und bildet gleichzeitig eine Barriere zwischen dem historischen Stadtkern und dem politischen und kulturellem Zentrum der Stadt. Der historische Bahnhof aus der Epoche des Jugendstils ist momentan eingeschlossen von einer hochfrequentierten Straße im Süden und den flankierenden Stationen des Busbahnhofs an der Ost- und Westseite. Die fußläufigen Verbindungen in die Altstadt sind gestört und das Regierungsviertel mit dem Reichstagsgebäude werden links liegen gelassen. Eine Orientierung als Neuankömmling ist schwer möglich. Darüber hinaus kommt etwa die Hälfte der Züge, vor allem die Regionalzüge nicht in der Bahnhofshalle des Kopfbahnhofes an, weil die Begrenzung durch die Seitenflügel nur eine Erweiterung des Bahnhofs nach Norden hin zuließ. Entstanden ist ein Entwurf der versucht, dem gesamten Bereich um den Bahnhof ein neues Gesicht zu geben und eine Verbesserung auf unterschiedlichen Ebenen zu erreichen. Er bündelt zum einen die verschiedenen Verkehrsströme und stellt eine bisher unterbrochene Querverbindung zwischen den benachbarten Stadtvierteln entlang des Bahnhofsareals her. Zum anderen trägt er dem Erfordernis nach einem städtebaulichen Gegenüber für das Regierungsgebäude Rechnung, welches damit in den Verbund der kulturellen Einrichtungen auf dem Töölönlahti Gelände aufgenommen wird. Darüber hinaus belebt er eine Besonderheit von Helsinki. Zu Beginn des 20. Jahrhunderts bestand die Notwendigkeit den Hafen an das Schienennetz anzubinden. Da der Stadtkern bereits sehr dicht bebaut war, wurde ein Eisenbahnring entlang der Küste, einmal um das Stadtzentrum herum gebaut. Seitdem die Verbindung stillgelegt wurde liegt dieser Ring brach, was nun die große Chance bietet, eine kreuzungsfreien Rad- und Fußweg zu etablieren, der durch den Entwurf eines Mobilityhubs geschlossen würde. In der vorliegenden Broschüre werden die städtebaulichen Rahmenbedingungen, die Analyse der gegenwärtigen Situation und der eigentliche Entwurfsprozess, der zu dieser Lösung führte dokumentiert.

This article reflects on how the concept of regionalism has been used to explain and interpret Central Asian politics since independence. It argues that regionalism, often a norm-laden analytical category based on Eurocentric assumptions, tends to paint the region as "failed" and regional states as incapable of institutionalizing multilateral relations. In its place, the article suggests the concept of order, which is more neutral and—through its focus on the operation of sovereignty, diplomacy, international law, authoritarianism, and great power management—is able to incorporate elements of both the conflict and cooperation that have marked the region's politics since 1991. ; Publisher PDF ; Peer reviewed

Shipping list no.: 96-0123-P. ; Cover title. ; "This brochure was prepared in the U.S. Army Center of Military History by Edward N. Bedessem"--P. [2]. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. [36]). ; Mode of access: Internet.

Indica relieve: curvas de nivel. ; Incluye: nota explicativa del contenido del mapa ; Copia digital. España : Ministerio de Cultura y Deporte. Subdirección General de Coordinación Bibliotecaria, 2010