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The EU General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) was published in the Official Journal of the European Union on May 4 2016 . The GDPR replaces the 1995 Data Protection Directive (Directive 95/46/EC). After a two-year transition period, the GDPR will be binding on all member states including the UK, from 25 May 2018. Subsequent to the referendum result on June 23, 2016 to leave the European Union, the UK invoked Article 50.2 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and notified the EU of intention to withdraw from the EU membership on 29 March 2017. Pursuant to Article 50.3 TEU, following this notification the UK has two years to negotiate a new trading relationship with the EU Set against this background, this paper will critically examine the implications of Britain's exit from the EU (hereinafter Brexit) on data protection law in the UK with a particular focus on the various trade models available to the UK post Brexit. There are various trade models available to the UK in terms of exiting the EU, such as the EEA model, the Swiss model, the free trade agreement as adopted by Canada, as well as the WTO model. Regardless of the agreed trading model, the GDPR will continue to be relevant for many organisations and businesses in the UK, as long as they wish to operate within the EU and transfer data across borders. This article contends that irrespective of the model chosen for exiting the European Union, the UK will adopt standards almost identical to the GDPR in order to remain a competitive actor in the global economy. Nevertheless, even if the UK endeavours to adopt the same as or equivalent standards to the GDPR as a third country, this does not necessarily secure an adequacy decision from the EU commission, potentially leading to burdensome requirements for UK businesses and their trading partners.

Functional coordination is close to Article 138 Sub-section (2) of the Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 8 of 1981 regarding Code of Criminal Procedure (KUHAP), then this lack must be delivered in the form of case files to the Public Prosecutor no later than 14 (fourteen) days from the receipt by the Investigator. The problem discussed is how the regulation and the form of functional coordination between the Police Investigator and the Public Prosecutor in the Pre-Prosecution and how the legal certainty of the functional coordination is reviewed from Article 138 Sub-section (2) of the Code of Criminal Procedure. This study uses a normative juridical method by examining the legal materials, legislation and relevant theories. Functional coordination arrangement at the Attorney General's Office based on the Attorney General's Regulation of the Republic of Indonesia Number: PER-036/A /JA/09/2011 regarding Standard Operational Procedure for Handling General Crime in the form of coordination in the form of consultation as stipulated in the Minutes according to the letter format which has been regulated in a Circular Attorney General of the Republic of Indonesia Number: SE-004/A/JA/02/2009. It is in contrary to the Police which does not regulate more detail the internal regulation. 2) Article 138 Subsection (2) of the Code of Criminal Procedure explains that there is a legal vacuum that leads to the legal certainty which is not achieved because the time limit for additional investigations in this Article does not have legal force if it is violated by the Investigator; thus, legal certainty is not achieved for the victim or the suspect.

This paper details the design and findings of a study commissioned by the Australian Board of Taxation. The study tried to test empirically the claim, made in the Review of Business Taxation, that the proposed Tax Value Method (TVM) of defining the tax base would increase 'certainty' for taxpayers and administrators. The study investigated this proposition under controlled experimental conditions, covering a number of possible meanings of the concept of certainty. University students were chosen as participants as they had presumably little experience with, and little prior knowledge about, either the current legislation or the proposed legislation following TVM. The participants were instructed in TVM or, as a control group, in the current legislation. They then were asked to solve twenty tax problems and rate their confidence in their answers. Overall, the findings suggest that: -TVM will lead to less consistency or consensus on the answers to tax problems, particularly in some areas of tax law; -TVM will lead to less confidence in the correctness of answers taxpayers reach to their tax problems, -TVM will lead to less confidence that taxpayers are correctly following the steps which the law requires to determine answers to their tax problems, and -TVM will lead taxpayers to reach less accurate answers to their tax problems, at least in some areas of tax law. The study thus does not support the claim that TVM would lead to greater certainty in the tax system. On the contrary, the empirical evidence suggests TVM could lead to less certainty, less confidence and less accuracy. Limitations of the study are discussed in detail.

The article deals with the development o digital law as an instrument for regulating the digital economy. It is proved that, within the academic environment, the concept of "Internet law" is still more well-established than the concept of "digital law". It is in this manner that the legal sphere responds to the challenges of the digital revolution and reflects the digital economy. The debate as to whether "Internet law" can be considered either as a separate branch of law or as a branch of legislation has not yet subsided. Nevertheless, "Internet law" is undoubtedly an independent academic discipline, textbooks on which are published in Russia. However, Russia needs to develop a digital economy; this is why the national project "Digital Economy of the Russian Federation" was adopted in 2018, regulatory support for which forms the basis of digital law in Russia. At the same time, the extensive experience of digital economy regulation in both its neighbouring countries and beyond is taken into account. Especially attractive is the national strategic model, which assumes the most rapid procedure for adopting changes and consequently adapting digital legislation, is aimed at the long-term perspective, and lets popular opinion — as well as the opinions of public organizations, the business community, and government representatives — be taken into account. In addition to foreign experience in regulating the digital economy, we should also use the best practices of domestic and foreign legal science. ; В статье рассматривается вопрос развития цифрового права как инструмента нормативного регулирования цифровой экономики. Доказывается, что пока более устоявшимся, нежели понятие «цифровое право», в академической среде является понятие «интернет-право». Именно в такой форме правовая сфера отвечает на вызовы цифровой революции и является отражением цифровой экономики. До сих пор не утихли споры, можно ли рассматривать «интернет-право» в качестве отдельной отрасли права или отрасли законодательства. Тем не менее это ...

This article belongs to the Special Issue Advances in Quantum Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning ; [Abstract] In this paper, we illustrate that inaccurate knowledge can be efficiently implemented in a quantum environment. For this purpose, we analyse the correlation between certainty factors and quantum probability. We first explore the certainty factors approach for inexact reasoning from a classical point of view. Next, we introduce some basic aspects of quantum computing, and we pay special attention to quantum rule-based systems. In this context, a specific use case was built: an inferential network for testing the behaviour of the certainty factors approach in a quantum environment. After the design and execution of the experiments, the corresponding analysis of the obtained results was performed in three different scenarios: (1) inaccuracy in declarative knowledge, or imprecision, (2) inaccuracy in procedural knowledge, or uncertainty, and (3) inaccuracy in both declarative and procedural knowledge. This paper, as stated in the conclusions, is intended to pave the way for future quantum implementations of well-established methods for handling inaccurate knowledge. ; This work was supported by the European Union's Horizon 2020 research and innovation programme under project NEASQC (grant agreement No. 951821) and by the Xunta de Galicia (grant ED431C 2018/34) with the European Union ERDF funds. We wish to acknowledge the support received from the Centro de Investigación de Galicia "CITIC", funded by Xunta de Galicia and the European Union (European Regional Development Fund- Galicia 2014–2020 Program, grant ED431G 2019/01) ; Xunta de Galicia; ED431C 2018/34 ; Xunta de Galicia; ED431G 2019/01

The authors would like to thank colleagues at the Swedish Agency for Health Technology Assessment and Assessment of Social Services (SBU) who, through participating in a series of seminars, contributed with valuable input on the initial draft of the presented approaches. The authors also thank all GRADE Working Group members who have contributed to the paper during group discussions at Grade Working Group meetings. The Health Services Research Unit, University of Aberdeen, receives core funding from the Chief Scientist Office of the Scottish Government Health Directorates. The Parker Institute, Bispebjerg and Frederiksberg Hospital is supported by a core grant from the Oak Foundation (OCAY-13-309). SVK is funded by a NRS Scottish Senior Clinical Fellowship (SCAF/15/02), the Medical Research Council (MC_UU_12017/13 & MC_UU_12017/15) and Chief Scientist's Office (SPHSU13 & SPHSU15). ; Peer reviewed ; Publisher PDF

It could be argued that today we are witnesing the dislocation of the dominant image in which modern society identifies itself. This image – the positive picture of a society which is founded on absolute certainties guaranteed by a scientific discourse which can master and control the totality of the real – is put into question by the resurfacing of uncertainty and negativity (empirically present in phenomena such as the Mad Cow disease scare, environmental crisis, the dangers of nuclear power and nuclear terrorism etc.). Certainty is revealed as a social construction which attempts to do the impossible, namely to fully symbolize and neutralize the real in the Lacanian sense of the word. With reference to the discussion on the legitimacy of modernity (Lowith, Blumenberg), the sociology of risk (Beck), and social constructionism, and within a broader Lacanian framework, I try to articulate a political reading of the inconsistencies of the modern project and introduce an alternative formulation of a modernity open to the constitutive nature of uncertainty. ; It could be argued that today we are witnesing the dislocation of the dominant image in which modern society identifies itself. This image – the positive picture of a society which is founded on absolute certainties guaranteed by a scientific discourse which can master and control the totality of the real – is put into question by the resurfacing of uncertainty and negativity (empirically present in phenomena such as the Mad Cow disease scare, environmental crisis, the dangers of nuclear power and nuclear terrorism etc.). Certainty is revealed as a social construction which attempts to do the impossible, namely to fully symbolize and neutralize the real in the Lacanian sense of the word. With reference to the discussion on the legitimacy of modernity (Lowith, Blumenberg), the sociology of risk (Beck), and social constructionism, and within a broader Lacanian framework, I try to articulate a political reading of the inconsistencies of the modern project and introduce an alternative formulation of a modernity open to the constitutive nature of uncertainty.

Researchers of Kant's political philosophy have not paid enough attention to the problem of certainty in politics which is inseparable from the distinction between phenomenon and noumenon. The primacy of practical reason means that morality has a higher value than knowledge. This is a fundamental presupposition of Kant's philosophy. However, this emphasis on the importance of morality leads to the problematic question of certainty in politics. The recognition of the primacy of morality seems to lead to a situation where politics loses the certainty that belongs to the sphere of noumenon. Such a situation seems to lead to an impossible situation when the distinction between phenomenon and noumenon reappears in the theory of practical reason. The paper puts forward a thesis that for Kant morality is the only ground that allows speaking about the certainty of politics. However, his understanding of certainty in politics has its drawbacks. Politics is dependent not only on the ontology of morality that was emphasized by Kant, but it is also dependent on the kind of certainty that one finds in the sphere of interpersonal relationships. Kant did not pay enough attention to this aspect which remains outside the sphere of the universal law of morality.

Researchers of Kant's political philosophy have not paid enough attention to the problem of certainty in politics which is inseparable from the distinction between phenomenon and noumenon. The primacy of practical reason means that morality has a higher value than knowledge. This is a fundamental presupposition of Kant's philosophy. However, this emphasis on the importance of morality leads to the problematic question of certainty in politics. The recognition of the primacy of morality seems to lead to a situation where politics loses the certainty that belongs to the sphere of noumenon. Such a situation seems to lead to an impossible situation when the distinction between phenomenon and noumenon reappears in the theory of practical reason. The paper puts forward a thesis that for Kant morality is the only ground that allows speaking about the certainty of politics. However, his understanding of certainty in politics has its drawbacks. Politics is dependent not only on the ontology of morality that was emphasized by Kant, but it is also dependent on the kind of certainty that one finds in the sphere of interpersonal relationships. Kant did not pay enough attention to this aspect which remains outside the sphere of the universal law of morality.

Researchers of Kant's political philosophy have not paid enough attention to the problem of certainty in politics which is inseparable from the distinction between phenomenon and noumenon. The primacy of practical reason means that morality has a higher value than knowledge. This is a fundamental presupposition of Kant's philosophy. However, this emphasis on the importance of morality leads to the problematic question of certainty in politics. The recognition of the primacy of morality seems to lead to a situation where politics loses the certainty that belongs to the sphere of noumenon. Such a situation seems to lead to an impossible situation when the distinction between phenomenon and noumenon reappears in the theory of practical reason. The paper puts forward a thesis that for Kant morality is the only ground that allows speaking about the certainty of politics. However, his understanding of certainty in politics has its drawbacks. Politics is dependent not only on the ontology of morality that was emphasized by Kant, but it is also dependent on the kind of certainty that one finds in the sphere of interpersonal relationships. Kant did not pay enough attention to this aspect which remains outside the sphere of the universal law of morality.

Researchers of Kant's political philosophy have not paid enough attention to the problem of certainty in politics which is inseparable from the distinction between phenomenon and noumenon. The primacy of practical reason means that morality has a higher value than knowledge. This is a fundamental presupposition of Kant's philosophy. However, this emphasis on the importance of morality leads to the problematic question of certainty in politics. The recognition of the primacy of morality seems to lead to a situation where politics loses the certainty that belongs to the sphere of noumenon. Such a situation seems to lead to an impossible situation when the distinction between phenomenon and noumenon reappears in the theory of practical reason. The paper puts forward a thesis that for Kant morality is the only ground that allows speaking about the certainty of politics. However, his understanding of certainty in politics has its drawbacks. Politics is dependent not only on the ontology of morality that was emphasized by Kant, but it is also dependent on the kind of certainty that one finds in the sphere of interpersonal relationships. Kant did not pay enough attention to this aspect which remains outside the sphere of the universal law of morality.

Fiduciary guarantee constitute a type of guarantee commonly used by the business society to obtain loan from Banks or other financial institutions. Administratively, since the government established an electronic fiduciary registration system, the system has in fact, not been fully supported by appropriate legal grounds. This research aims to explore and analyze regulations regarding the legal status of fiduciary agreements along with its electronic registration system and the role of Notary Public with the aim of providing recommendation to the ideal registration system supported by proper laws and regulations. Methodology of this study is based on normative legal research which carried out several approaches such as statutory approach, comparative approach and conseptual approach. The results of the study essentially emphazied the need for amandement and harmonization of Law No. 45/1999 concerning Fiduciary Guarantee as well as its implementing regulations. Ultimately, the Indonesia fiduciary guarantee and its registration system will always in harmony with the values of legal certainty, justice and usefulness.

Researchers of Kant's political philosophy have not paid enough attention to the problem of certainty in politics which is inseparable from the distinction between phenomenon and noumenon. The primacy of practical reason means that morality has a higher value than knowledge. This is a fundamental presupposition of Kant's philosophy. However, this emphasis on the importance of morality leads to the problematic question of certainty in politics. The recognition of the primacy of morality seems to lead to a situation where politics loses the certainty that belongs to the sphere of noumenon. Such a situation seems to lead to an impossible situation when the distinction between phenomenon and noumenon reappears in the theory of practical reason. The paper puts forward a thesis that for Kant morality is the only ground that allows speaking about the certainty of politics. However, his understanding of certainty in politics has its drawbacks. Politics is dependent not only on the ontology of morality that was emphasized by Kant, but it is also dependent on the kind of certainty that one finds in the sphere of interpersonal relationships. Kant did not pay enough attention to this aspect which remains outside the sphere of the universal law of morality. ; Kanto politinės filosofijos tyrinėtojai be dėmesio paliko politikos tikrumo klausimą, kuris neatskiriamas nuo fenomeno ir noumeno perskyros. Praktinio proto pirmenybė reiškia moralės iškėlimą pirmiau pažinimo. Tai svarbi Kanto filosofijos prielaida. Tačiau moralės sureikšminimo kontekste iškyla politikos tikrumo klausimas. Pripažinus moralės pirmenybę, politika tarytum praranda noumenų srities tikrumą. Susidaro įspūdis, jog praktinio proto teorijoje atsiranda nauja fenomeno ir noumeno perskyra, kurios neturėtų būti. Moralės dėsnio atžvilgiu politika atrodo paradoksaliai– kaip noumenų srities fenomenas. Straipsnyje siekiama įrodyti, kad vieninteliu politikos tikrumo pagrindu Kantas suvokė moralę. Jo nuomone, tik ryšiai su kategoriniu imperatyvu leidžia kalbėti apie politikos tikrumą. Tačiau Kanto politikos tikrumo sampratai būdingas ribotumas. Politika priklauso ne tik nuo jo išryškintos moralės ontologijos, bet ir tarpasmeninių santykių formuojamo tikrumo. Kantas nepastebėjo šio už visuotinio moralės dėsnio likusio aspekto.

The government has prepared Bill on Personal Data Protection (PDP Bill) that comprehensively regulates the personal data protection of society. One of the provisions in the PDP Bill, which is considered to be an obstacle in digital economy growth is an exclusion of the rights of Personal Data holders and the obligations of Personal Data processors for Aggregate Data, which are only intended for the purpose of state administration. As a result, the utilization of Aggregate Data for various purposes both research and business cannot be carried out by the community. In this study, a research method with the normative juridical and analytical descriptive approach is used that focuses on laws and regulations, and library materials such as literature and journals. The regulation of Aggregate Data in the PDP Bill is contrary to the theory and Aggregate Data rules in other countries, which argues that Aggregate Data is not Personal Data. Therefore, Aggregate Data as a whole is excluded or removed from the regulation of Personal Data Protection, whether intended for the Government interest or other purposes.

The wage protection in Indonesian positive law is still not provide legal certainty for the weaker party in the aspect of social economic. In every anniversary of May Day, labor union always demanded to abolish the wage cost, which the Government Regulation No. 78 Year 2015 leanihg to the interests of investors. The principle of legal certainty in the norm of wage protection needs to be realized with respect to: the concept of wage protection, lack of certainty purpose of law, established by the competent authorities, accepted by society, legal materials in accordance with the legal hierarchy, the company's obligation to make books wages, and avoid multiple interpretations in legal norms.Keywords: protection of wages, labor, legal certainty.