Suchergebnisse

Sistemi organizacije državne oblasti se razlikujejo po načinu delitve oblasti, organih, ki so nosilci te oblasti ter njihovih medsebojnih odnosih. Parlamentarni sistem, ki je uveljavljen tudi pri nas, temelji na načelu delitve oblasti. Organi državne oblasti med seboj sodelujejo, se nadzorujejo, med njimi pa je z namenom preprečitve zlorabe oblasti vzpostavljen sistem zavor in ravnovesij. V moderni demokraciji med strankami na volitvah vedno poteka tekma za čim višje število glasov, zmago na volitvah in prevzem oblasti. Zmagovalna večina se poveže ter oblikuje vlado, stranke, ki niso članice koalicijske večine, pa čakajo na svojo priložnost na naslednjih volitvah. Vendar mora biti njihov glas vseeno slišan, saj odločitve večine postanejo tudi odločitve manjšine, ki mora zato imeti možnost vpliva na sprejemanje odločitev, poleg tega je pomembna tudi možnost nadzora dela koalicijske večine in izvršilne veje oblasti, v ta namen pa ima opozicija na voljo različne instrumente nadzora. Opozicija ima možnost uporabe svojih sredstev na različnih področjih, v okviru zakonodajne, volilne ter nadzorne funkcije Državnega zbora. Nosilec izvršilne oblasti je v parlamentarnih sistemih vlada, ki je parlamentu odgovorna za svoje delo, brez njegove podpore pa ne more delovati. Parlament, znotraj njega zlasti tudi opozicija, ima na voljo več instrumentov nadzora nad delom vlade, najpomembnejši so poslansko vprašanje, interpelacija in konstruktivna nezaupnica. Nesoglasja med parlamentom in vlado lahko privedejo do politične krize, v končni posledici pa tudi do razpustitve parlamenta in novih volitev. Obstaja več različic parlamentarnega sistema, razlikujejo pa se po načinu oblikovanja, sestavi in delovanju vlade. Naša ureditev se zgleduje po nemškem modelu, pri čemer pa v smeri skupščinske ureditve od njega odstopa v nekaterih pomembnih elementih. Predvsem je tu mišljeno imenovanje ministrov s strani Državnega zbora ter s tem povezani instrumenti, ki povečujejo individualno odgovornost posameznih ministrov v razmerju do Državnega zbora, kar je neskladno z modernimi parlamentarnimi sistemi, ki poznajo predvsem kolektivno odgovornost vlade. Taka ureditev relativizira pomen instituta konstruktivne nezaupnice, ki smo ga sprejeli iz nemškega modela. Zaradi naše neučinkovite ureditve bi bile smiselne ustavne spremembe, kar je zaznal tudi Državni zbor, saj je skupina poslancev predlagala spremembo ustavnih določb, ki se nanašajo na oblikovanje Vlade, v odzivu na ta predlog pa je nastal še predlog Strokovne skupine, ki je predlog poslancev analizirala. Ta naloga obravnava predlagani spremembi Ustave, predlog poslancev in predlog Strokovne skupine, s poudarkom na učinke predlaganih sprememb na položaj opozicije. Poleg tega so v nalogi predstavljene tudi nekatere druge možne spremembe Ustave, ki se nanašajo na način oblikovanja Vlade. Vsak predlog spremembe Ustave našo veljavno ureditev približuje določeni podvrsti parlamentarnega sistema. Pred sprejetjem kakršnekoli spremembe Ustave je torej vredno razmisliti, kateri ureditvi se želimo približati in kakšen vpliv na našo trenutno ureditev bi imel sprejem določene spremembe Ustave. ; The systems of state authority differ in the way they separate powers, branches of power that are holders of the power and their relations. The parliamentary system, which is established also in Slovenia, is based on the principle of separation of powers. The branches of state authority collaborate with each other and control the work of one another. The system of checks and balances is set up to prevent the abuse of power. In the modern democracy there has always been a race to get as many votes as possible, win the elections and take over the power among parties in the elections. The majority that wins is united and forms the Government, while parties that are not members of the majority coalition wait for their opportunity in the next elections. However, their voice has to be heard, because the decisions of majority become the decisions of minority as well, that is why they have to have an impact on decision-making. Besides, the possibility of supervision over the part of the majority coalition and the executive branch is important, for this purpose the opposition has different instruments of supervision. The opposition has a possibility of the use of its means on various areas, within the legislative, electoral and supervisory functions of Parliament. The government, which answers to the parliament for its work, but without its support cannot work properly, is the holder of the executive body in the parliamentary systems. The Parliament, and within it, also in particular the opposition, has several instruments for controlling the work of the Government, the most important are parliamentary question, interpellation and constructive vote of no confidence. Disagreements between the Parliament and the Government can lead to the political crisis and ultimately to the dissolution of the Parliament and new elections. There are several variants of parliamentary system, they differ in the way of forming, structure and working of the Government. Our system follows the German model's example, but as far as assembly is concerned, it differs in some important elements. This mainly refers to the appointment of ministers coming from the National Assembly and instruments referring to it. These instruments are increasing individual responsibility of individual ministers in relation to the National Assembly and that is inconsistent with modern parliamentary systems which are familiar with collective responsibility of the Government in particular. Such system relativizes the meaning of the institute of constructive vote of no confidence which is based on the German's model. Constitutional changes would be logical due to our ineffective system, this was also noticed by our National Assembly. The group of members of the Parliament proposed a change for constitutional provisions which refer to the forming of the Government. In response to this proposal, the Professional group, which analysed the proposal of the members of the Parliament, formed another one. This master's thesis deals with the proposed change of the Government, the proposal of members of the Parliament and the proposal of the Professional group, with emphasis on the effects of proposed changes regarding the position of the opposition. The thesis also presents some of the other possible constitutional changes that refer to the way of forming the Government. Each proposal of the constitutional change brings about our valid system to get closer to the certain category of the parliamentary system. It is worth considering which system is better and what kind of effect would passing a certain constitutional change cause, before even considering constitutional changes of any kind.

Książka stanowi tom studiów autorstwa polskich i zagranicznych językoznawców poświęcony zmianom we współczesnych językach słowiańskich, szczególnie widocznym w słownictwie i słowotwórstwie. Uwzględnienie aspektu stylowo-funkcjonalnego w rozwoju leksyki pozwala lepiej zrozumieć dynamikę zmian językowych i skuteczność działań komunikacyjnych. Celowościowy i pragmatyczny charakter zachowań komunikacyjnych ujawnia się szeroko w uwzględnionych przez Autorów kontekstach społecznych, politycznych i kulturowych. Prace zostały pogrupowane w trzy działy tematyczne: - Zjawiska, procesy i tendencje rozwojowe w słownictwie specjalistycznym (terminologii); - Dynamika mechanizmów słowotwórczych i leksykalnych; - Zmiany leksykalne we współczesnej komunikacji językowej i dyskursie. Wyodrębnione działy pomagają uporządkować przedstawioną w tomie problematykę, wskazując na dominantę tematyczną w poszczególnych tekstach. Zakresy tych grup nie są jednak ostre, złożona i wielowarstwowa problematyka tendencji i zmian we współczesnym słownictwie słowiańskim jest omawiana w różnym stopniu w każdym z wydzielonych działów. W większości prac zastosowano podejście konfrontatywne, pozostałe stanowią podstawę do takiego ujęcia. Do badań wykorzystany został bogaty materiał języków słowiańskich: polskiego, czeskiego, słowackiego, białoruskiego, rosyjskiego, ukraińskiego, bułgarskiego, słoweńskiego, a także innych języków, jak np. nowogreckiego. ; This volume of studies by Polish and international linguists is devoted to changes in modern Slavic languages, which are especially noticeable in the spheres of vocabulary and word formation. Taking into consideration the stylistic and functional aspect of lexis development allows for a better understanding of the dynamics of language change and the efficacy of communicational acts. The purposeful and pragmatic character of communicational behaviour manifests itself widely in the social, political and cultural contexts considered by the Authors. The works comprising the volume are divided into three thematic sections: - Phenomena, processes and tendencies in the development of specialist lexis (terminology); - Word formation and lexical mechanisms dynamics; - Lexical change in modern language communication and discourse. The sections help organize the volume by highlighting the dominant theme in particular texts. The scopes of the sections are, nevertheless, not sharply delineated – each section is to an equal extent devoted to the complex and multifaceted subject-matter of the tendencies and changes in modern Slavic vocabulary. Most of the works comprised in the volume adopt a contrastive approach, the remaining ones can serve as bases for contrastive studies. The text analyse the rich material of the Slavic languages – Polish, Czech, Slovak, Belarusian, Russian, Ukrainian, Bulgarian and Slovene – as well as of other languages, like Modern Greek. ; Publikacja finansowana ze środków Instytutu Slawistyki Polskiej Akademii Nauk

Z začetkom bolonjskega procesa v letu 1999, ki sloni na ideji o enotnem, primerljivem, privlačnem in konkurenčnem prostoru evropskega visokega šolstva, se je za sodelujoče evropske države pričelo obdobje sprememb. Med njimi je bila tudi Slovenija, ki je postopoma sledila in uvajala cilje in načela bolonjskega procesa v slovenski visokošolski prostor. V magistrskem delu natančneje predstavim bolonjsko reformo in z njo vnesene številne spremembe ter novosti v slovenski visokošolski prostor. Skozi analizo različne literature in dokumentov je sprva predstavljen nastanek bolonjskega procesa in njegov razvoj s poudarkom na ciljih, ki so se v okviru reforme skušali doseči. Opisan je njegov razvoj od začetka do danes, saj so se od podpisa Bolonjske deklaracije dalje odvijala srečanja ministrov za visoko šolstvo, kjer se je spremljalo uresničevanje zastavljenih ciljev, ki so se skozi leta tudi dopolnjevali in spreminjali. V drugem delu naloge pa se skozi razvoj bolonjskega procesa večji del pozornosti usmeri v uveljavljanje slednjega v slovenski visokošolski prostor. Prikazane so številne novosti, ki zajemajo tako sistemske, strukturne kot organizacijske spremembe in so vplivale na sam potek izobraževanja v visokem šolstvu. Z bolonjsko reformo se v visokem šolstvu vse bolj uveljavlja koncept vseživljenjskega učenja, zato se v tretjem delu naloge prikaže, kako se to odraža skozi različne dokumente bolonjskega procesa. Vključitev Slovenije v bolonjski proces in postopno uveljavljanje bolonjske reforme pa se je odražalo tudi v samih ciljih razvoja visokega šolstva pri nas, zato se v tretjem delu naloge osredotočim še se na spreminjanje ciljev od začetka bolonjske reforme vse do danes. Bolj kot se bolonjska reforma v prostoru uveljavlja, bolj vidne so spremembe v slovenskem visokošolskem prostoru in sledenje evropski viziji v razvoju in usmerjenosti visokega šolstva ; In 1999, the Bologna process started with an idea of a united, comparable, attractive, and competitive place in the European higher education system. Among the countries that have joined was also Slovenia, which gradually followed and introduced the goals and principles of the Bologna system into the Slovenian higher education area, which had a notable impact on education. Through the analysis of various literature and documents, the text initially shows the very origin of the Bologna process, its purpose and goals, which were sought to be achieved through the process. The text also describes the development from the beginning to the present, as through the years of bologna process many meetings of ministers of higher education have taken place. There, the development of the Bologna reform has been monitored and at the same time, many novelties/innovations have been added that are important for our understanding of the Bologna process. In the second part, through the development of the Bologna Process, most of the attention is focused on the implementation of the Bologna reform in the Slovenian higher education area, where its impact on education is also explored. Numerous novelties and changes – from systemic, structural, and organizational, which influenced the course of education, are presented. There are also various documents as part of the Bologna reform, where the concept of lifelong learning in higher education is mentioned and the role and importance of it are increasingly emphasized. Slovenia's inclusion into the Bologna Process and the gradual implementation of the reform was also reflected in the goals of higher education development. This is why the third part of the thesis is focused on how the goals changed from the beginning of the reform until today. The more the Bologna reform is implemented in the place, the more visible its impact on the goals of the Slovenian higher education is, and with that following the European vision and the orientation of higher education.

Članek poskuša konceptualizirati odnos med individualnim (stro-kovnim) in strukturnim v obdobju razmeroma korenitih sprememb v družbi. Izzivalna in razkrivajoča dialektika takih odnosov je analizirana s kombinacijo avtoetnografskih razmislekov, ob naslonitvi na arhivske dokumente, ki prikazujejo spremembe v delovanju strokovnega sveta v državi, ki je doživela tri temeljne miroljubne prehode in se tudi spopadla z njimi: prehod iz samoupravnega socialističnega gospodarstva v tržno gospodarstvo, prehod iz enopartijskega socialističnega sistema v repre-zentativno liberalno demokracijo in prehod iz republike, ki je bila del zvezne države, v neodvisno državo. Strokovni svet Socialistične republi-ke Slovenije (takrat še del Socialistične republike Jugoslavije), pozneje preimenovan v Strokovni svet Republike Slovenije (takrat že liberalna demokracija s tržnim gospodarstvom in z neodvisno državo), lahko slu-ži kot primer produktivnega prepletanja individualnega (strokovnega) in strukturnega pri oblikovanju in izvajanju preobrazbe izobraževalnega sistema. Kontekstualizirani prikaz in ocena premikov, ki so skupaj pri-pomogli k nastanku neodvisne države in njenega oblikovanja izobraže-valnega sistema, opisuje zapletenost in pomen refleksivnega upravljanja v času tranzicije, ki sama po sebi v ospredje postavlja vrsto pomembnih vprašanj ter vabi in podpira spremembe v izobraževalnem sistemu. Ta-kšne priložnosti država in njeni edukatorji ne bi smeli zamuditi. ; This article attempts to conceptualise the relationship between the indi-vidual (professional) and the structural in a period of relatively radical changes in society. The challenging and revealing dialectic of such rela-tions is analysed through the combination of auto-ethnographic reflec-tions and archival documents showing the changes in the functioning of a council of experts in a country that experienced and coped with three fundamentally peaceful transitions: the transition from a self-managed socialist economy to a market economy, the transition from a one-party socialist system to a representative liberal democracy, and from a re-public that was part of a federal state to an independent state. The Ex-pert Council of the Socialist Republic of Slovenia (then still part of the Socialist Republic of Yugoslavia), later renamed the Expert Council of the Republic of Slovenia (at that time a liberal democracy with a mar-ket economy and an independent state), can serve as an example of the productive intertwining of individual (expert) and the structural in the formulation and the implementation of the functional transformation of the educational system. The contextualised account and assessment of the shifts that together helped bring about the independent state and its education system formation outlines the complexity and importance of reflexive governance in the times of transition, which, in itself, brings to the fore a number of relevant issues and invites and supports change in the educational system. Such an opportunity should not be missed by the country and its educators.

Zunanji akterji igrajo poglavitno vlogo pri upravljanju in reševanju konfliktov, saj s svojimi kapacitetami lahko prispevajo k reševanju vzroka konflikta in k delnemu spreminjanju ter izpolnjevanju ciljev sprtih strani. Med najbolj trdovratne konflikte uvrščamo verske in druge identitetne konflikte, saj identiteta vpliva na prepričanje posameznika in skupine o svoji vlogi oz. položaju v konfliktu. Prednost pri zaznavanju in reševanju tovrstnih konfliktov pa imajo zaradi svojega poznavanja območja in akterjev predvsem regionalne organizacije, med njimi tudi države članice Sveta za sodelovanje v zalivu (Gulf Cooperation Council – GCC), ki so dejavne pri upravljanju in reševanju izraelsko-palestinskega konflikta. Magistrska naloga preučuje vpliv verskega dejavnika na vlogo arabskih zalivskih držav pri reševanju konflikta od ustanovitve Izraela leta 1948 do katarske diplomatske krize leta 2017 ter posledice razmaha šiitsko-sunitskega razkola na njihovo vlogo. Kot kažejo ugotovitve, so arabske zalivske države v obdobju od leta 1948 do leta 2011 vztrajno poskušale rešiti konflikt v prid palestinskega prebivalstva, z razmahom šiitsko-sunitskega razkola med arabsko pomladjo pa je iranska grožnja zasenčila reševanje izraelsko-palestinskega konflikta. Zunanji akterji, predvsem regionalne organizacije, so torej občutljive na mednarodno in regionalno dogajanje ter morebitne spremembe dinamike konflikta. Slednje posledično vpliva na vlogo zunanjih akterjev pri reševanju konfliktov, ki se v luči sprememb strukturnega okolja iz pozitivne lahko prelevi v negativno. ; External actors play a key role in conflict management and resolution, as they can contribute to resolving the cause of the conflict and partially changing or meeting the goals of the conflicting parties. Among the most persistent conflicts are religious and other identity conflicts, since identity influences the belief of an individual and a group about their role in the conflict. Due to their knowledge of the region and actors, the advantage in detecting and resolving such conflicts lies particularly with regional organizations, including the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member states, which are actively engaged in the management and resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The master's thesis examines the influence of the religious factor on the role of the Arab Gulf states in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict since the founding of Israel in 1948 up until the Qatar diplomatic crisis in 2017, and the consequences of the intensification of the Shiite-Sunni divide on their role. In the period between 1948 and 201 the Arab Gulf states persistently sought to resolve the conflict in favor of the Palestinian population ; however, with the intensification of the Shiite-Sunni divide during the Arab Spring, the Iranian threat overshadowed the resolution of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. External actors, especially regional organizations, are therefore sensitive to international and regional developments, as well as possible changes in the dynamics of the conflict. The latter consequently influences the role of external actors in managing and resolving conflicts, which can change from positive to negative, in the light of changes to the structural environment.

We find ourselves in a time that has brought significant changes to the way we communicate. The technological progress and rise of social media have shaped both the news media and the contemporary political landscape, impacting and altering political discourse. As a result, the role of social media in political communication has become pervasive, and politicians now tend to communicate more directly with the public without the intermediary of traditional media. The position of the mainstream media as a neutral actor in reporting the news has also been tainted as the media has become increasingly dependent on advertising and thus more vulnerable to the pressures of corporate or state sponsors. Combined, we find ourselves situated in an era where more people are turning to social media for their news, while terms such as disinformation, fake news, post-truth, hate speech and conspiracy theory have become commonplace. In this new public square of communication, it often happens that one person's conspiracy theory is another person's truth, one person's facts are another's fake news, and one person's hate speech is someone else's freedom of speech. ; We find ourselves in a time that has brought significant changes to the way we communicate. The technological progress and rise of social media have shaped both the news media and the contemporary political landscape, impacting and altering political discourse. As a result, the role of social media in political communication has become pervasive, and politicians now tend to communicate more directly with the public without the intermediary of traditional media. The position of the mainstream media as a neutral actor in reporting the news has also been tainted as the media has become increasingly dependent on advertising and thus more vulnerable to the pressures of corporate or state sponsors. Combined, we find ourselves situated in an era where more people are turning to social media for their news, while terms such as disinformation, fake news, post-truth, hate speech and conspiracy theory have become commonplace. In this new public square of communication, it often happens that one person's conspiracy theory is another person's truth, one person's facts are another's fake news, and one person's hate speech is someone else's freedom of speech. ; We find ourselves in a time that has brought significant changes to the way we communicate. The technological progress and rise of social media have shaped both the news media and the contemporary political landscape, impacting and altering political discourse. As a result, the role of social media in political communication has become pervasive, and politicians now tend to communicate more directly with the public without the intermediary of traditional media. The position of the mainstream media as a neutral actor in reporting the news has also been tainted as the media has become increasingly dependent on advertising and thus more vulnerable to the pressures of corporate or state sponsors. Combined, we find ourselves situated in an era where more people are turning to social media for their news, while terms such as disinformation, fake news, post-truth, hate speech and conspiracy theory have become commonplace. In this new public square of communication, it often happens that one person's conspiracy theory is another person's truth, one person's facts are another's fake news, and one person's hate speech is someone else's freedom of speech. ; We find ourselves in a time that has brought significant changes to the way we communicate. The technological progress and rise of social media have shaped both the news media and the contemporary political landscape, impacting and altering political discourse. As a result, the role of social media in political communication has become pervasive, and politicians now tend to communicate more directly with the public without the intermediary of traditional media. The position of the mainstream media as a neutral actor in reporting the news has also been tainted as the media has become increasingly dependent on advertising and thus more vulnerable to the pressures of corporate or state sponsors. Combined, we find ourselves situated in an era where more people are turning to social media for their news, while terms such as disinformation, fake news, post-truth, hate speech and conspiracy theory have become commonplace. In this new public square of communication, it often happens that one person's conspiracy theory is another person's truth, one person's facts are another's fake news, and one person's hate speech is someone else's freedom of speech. ; We find ourselves in a time that has brought significant changes to the way we communicate. The technological progress and rise of social media have shaped both the news media and the contemporary political landscape, impacting and altering political discourse. As a result, the role of social media in political communication has become pervasive, and politicians now tend to communicate more directly with the public without the intermediary of traditional media. The position of the mainstream media as a neutral actor in reporting the news has also been tainted as the media has become increasingly dependent on advertising and thus more vulnerable to the pressures of corporate or state sponsors. Combined, we find ourselves situated in an era where more people are turning to social media for their news, while terms such as disinformation, fake news, post-truth, hate speech and conspiracy theory have become commonplace. In this new public square of communication, it often happens that one person's conspiracy theory is another person's truth, one person's facts are another's fake news, and one person's hate speech is someone else's freedom of speech. ; Današnji čas je prinesel pomembne spremembe v načinu, kako komuniciramo drug z drugim. Tehnološki napredek in razmah družbenih medijev sta vplivala tako na informativne medije kot na sodobni politični prostor, kar ima pomembne posledice za politični govor. Vloga družbenih medijev v politični komunikaciji se je povečala, saj politiki čedalje bolj neposredno komunicirajo z javnostjo brez posredništva tradicionalnih medijev. Poleg tega je čedalje bolj pod vprašajem nevtralnost osrednjih medijev pri poročanju, saj so vedno bolj odvisni od oglaševanja in tako pod posrednim ali neposrednim vplivom različnih korporativnih ali državnih sponzorjev. Tako smo se znašli v času, ko vse več ljudi informacije pridobi v družbenih medijih, medtem ko so izrazi dezinformacija, lažne novice, postresničnost, sovražni govor in teorije zarote postali vsakdanji del govora. V novem javnem prostoru komunikacije se pogosto zgodi, da je to, kar kdo dojema kot teorijo zarote, za koga drugega resničnost, da so to, kar kdo dojema kot dejstva, za koga drugega lažne novice, in da je to, kar kdo dojema kot sovražni govor, za koga drugega svoboda govora.

Staranje prebivalstva v Sloveniji, Evropski uniji (EU) in v drugih državah po svetu zahteva določene prilagoditve in spremembe v družbi, ki bodo omogočale kakovostno življenje vseh generacij. Namen članka je predstaviti koncept srebrne ekonomije in aktivnega staranja, ki vplivata na javno in individualno porabo treh skupin starejših; tistih, ki so dejavni, tistih, ki so krhkega zdravja in tistih, ki so v stanju odvisnosti. K spremembam demografske slike prispevajo tudi novi vzorci, kot je večje število enočlanskih gospodinjstev, selitve v mesta, ki vodijo v depopulacijo podeželskih območij, beg možganov in tudi v migracijske tokove. Z raziskavo smo ugotavljali stanje aktivnosti starostnikov v pretežno podeželskih občinah Pesnica in Kungota, ki sodita v ruralno območje Podravske regije. Anketirali smo starejše občane in zbrane podatke primerjali s prosto dostopnimi podatki statističnih baz in z rezultati indeksa aktivnega staranja v državah EU. Po indeksu aktivnega staranja se slovenski starostniki, v primerjavi s starostniki v EU, starajo precej neaktivno. Na slovenskih podeželskih območjih, kjer je delež starejših oseb višji kot v mestih, so starostniki sicer aktivni, vendar ne na vseh obravnavanih področjih. Ena izmed vzpodbud za aktivno staranje je srebrna ekonomija, ki hkrati predstavlja tudi odlično priložnost za gospodarski in družbeni razvoj. Z vključevanjem in upoštevanjem starejših generacij, z vzpodbujanjem aktivnega staranja in s pričakovanim razvojem dejavnosti srebrne ekonomije se bo povečal delež aktivnega prebivalstva na podeželju, ki bo vplival na izboljšanje gospodarskih razmer in dvig kakovosti življenja. ; The age structure of a population is changing, in Slovenia as well as in many countries of the EU and other regions of the world. The process of population ageing requires adjustments and social and economic changes that will enable the quality of life for all generations. The article is based on an economic and social analysis of existing resources and on our own research. A critical review of the literature, secondary sources, and websites dedicated to demographic problems, the silver economy, and the quality of life of the elderly was conducted. We conducted a survey of the elderly population of the municipalities of Pesnica and Kungota, which lie in the Podravska statistical region in the Republic of Slovenia. The silver economy enables the social and economic development of individual geographical areas with potential for new markets and economic activities. In this context, it is necessary to ensure access to sustainable long-term care systems for active and healthy ageing. The concept covers lifelong learning, intergenerational cooperation, research and innovation, and institutional change. In 2017, Slovenia with Strategija dolge družbe (Active Ageing Strategy) accepted the conceptual framework of the proposed changes in the areas of: the labor market and education of the elderly; independent, healthy and safe living; involvement and participation in society and the creation of capacities and environments for activity in all stages of life. All these areas coincide with the scheme of an internationally comparable system of active ageing index indicators. The research was used to determine the activity status of 81 older people in the Podravje region, in the predominantly rural municipalities of Kungota and Pesnica. There were no employees among the respondents. The survey involved active pensioners who were mainly engaged in gardening, hobbies and farming. We note that the respondents are quite independent, physically active and in good health. While independence or autonomy of the elderly is not called into question, financial security is a matter of concern, as most respondents receive low monthly incomes. The analysis of the state of activities of the elderly shows the potential for the development of the silver economy, which would help increase the income of the elderly through active policies and projects of all participants at the local and regional level (Quadruple Helix). An important area is capacity and the environment, which enable active ageing. The research showed that some respondents use ICT for educational purposes or they learn to use a computer, while others use ICT to communicate. We did not perceive social exclusion, isolation or loneliness among the respondents. The most common forms of communication are getting together with relatives and friends. The identified characteristics of the rural area in question provide insight into the situation and opportunities in the field of active ageing and at the same time indicate areas where there is potential for the development of the silver economy.

Izgorevanje fosilnih energentov negativno vpliva na naš planet in v veliki meri pripomore k negativnim spremembam našega okolja. Z namenom preprečitve teh sprememb se od devetdesetih let prejšnjega stoletja v svetu, tudi v političnem opredeljevanju, vse bolj krepi zavedanje, da je treba ukrepati in s tem namenom svetovne politike vse več pozornosti posvečajo uvajanju programov, s katerimi bi te spremembe preprečili oziroma jih vsaj omilili. Evropska unija ima pri aktivnostih varovanja okolja vodilno vlogo v svetu. Predvsem pa znotraj unije skrbi za uresničevanje zastavljenih ciljev varstva okolja in državam članicam nalaga obveze za izpolnjevanje skupnih ciljev in dopušča ukrepe, ki naj bi zagotovili izpolnitev zadanih ciljev. S tem namenom dopušča tudi izjeme od načelne prepovedi dodeljevanja državnih pomoči. Le te so dopustne le, če so skladne s pravili, ki opredeljujejo njihovo dodelitev, katera so v izključni pristojnosti Evropske komisije, in uresničujejo cilje skupnega interesa, kar skrb za varstvo okolja zagotovo je. Tako je, dodeljena skladno z enimi od takšnih pravil, to je s smernicami o državni pomoči za varstvo okolja in (energijo) , izjemoma dopustna tudi državna pomoč proizvajalcem, ki proizvajajo električno energijo iz obnovljivih virov, če je predhodno tudi potrjena s strani Evropske komisije. Takšna državna pomoč, je bila leta 2009 z Energetskim zakonom uveljavljena tudi v Republiki Sloveniji, kot podpora za električno energijo, proizvedeno iz obnovljivih virov v okviru podporne sheme. Uveljavitev podporne sheme je bila smiselna in predvsem potrebna z namenom spodbuditi potencialne investitorje k investicijam, ki bodo prispevale k razvoju oziroma povečanju deleža električne energije, proizvedene iz obnovljivih virov, v skupni bruto končni rabi električne energije. Evropska unija je Republiko slovenijo z Direktivo 2009/28/ES Evropskega parlamenta in sveta o spodbujanju uporabe energije iz obnovljivih virov namreč obvezala do leta 2020 doseči 25 odstotni delež energije iz obnovljivih virov v skupni bruto končni rabi energije. Proizvajalci, ki so zgradili oziroma namestili proizvodne naprave za proizvodnjo električne energije iz obnovljivih virov so tako lahko v okviru podporne sheme pridobili podpore, namenjene za pokritje razlike med stroški proizvodnje, vključno z normalnim donosom na vložena sredstva, in prihodki od prodaje te proizvedene električne energije na trgu. Ker so bile vrednosti podpor določene administrativno, na podlagi vrednosti primerljivih investicij pred uveljavitvijo podporne sheme, in v obdobju med leti 2010 in 2012 niso bile usklajene z razmerami enakih investicij posameznih tehnologij na trgu (katerih cene so se bolj ali manj prepolovile), so v mnogih primerih proizvajalcem dodeljene podpore, za katere se izkazuje, da niso sorazmerne in presegajo dopusten obseg državne pomoči opredeljen tako v smernicah o državni pomoči za varstvo okolja in (energijo), kot tudi v nacionalni zakonodaji. V takšnih primerih bi država načeloma morala poseči v že dodeljene državne pomoči, ki se bodo proizvajalcem izplačevale za vso proizvedeno električno energijo v obdobju 15 let od namestitve proizvodne naprave, in jih, skladno z zakonodajnimi določbami, korigirati tako, da bodo služile svojemu namenu, to je pokritju razlike med stroški proizvodnje, vključno z normalnim donosom na vložena sredstva in prihodki od prodaje te energije na trgu. ; The combustion of fossil fuels has a negative impact on the environment and has become a major contributor to negative changes in our environment. To prevent these changes, the awareness that action must be taken has been present from the 1990s onward, including political actions. Global governance, therefore, pays more attention to the introduction of the programmes that prevent or at least mitigate these changes. The European Union has a leading role in the combat against climate changes. The Member States are responsible for meeting common objectives to protect the environment and to implement the measures for the fulfilment of these objectives. In this view, exceptions to the general prohibition on state aid are allowed. These exceptions are allowed only if they are in compliance with the rules that determine their allocation and falling within the exclusive jurisdiction of the European Commission, as well as if they meet the common targets related to environmental protection. In lines with one of these rules, Guidelines on State aid for environmental protection and energy, a state aid for the production of electricity from renewable sources is permitted. This state aid must be previously approved by the European Commission. By implementing the Energy Act in 2009, Slovenia has established such state aid as a support for the production of electricity from renewable energy sources within the frame of the support scheme. The introduction of the support scheme was a sensible and above all the necessary solution to encourage investors for investments that will contribute to the development and to increasing the share of renewable electricity in the gross final electricity consumption. By the Directive 2009/28/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council on the promotion of the use of energy from renewable sources Slovenia become committed to achieve a 25 percent share of energy produced from renewable sources by 2020 in the gross final energy consumption. Producers who built or installed the facilities for the production of electricity from the renewable sources received the support within the support scheme ; the support was intended to cover the difference between the production costs, including a normal return on assets, and the revenues from the sale of electricity in the market. These supports were determined administratively on the basis of comparable investments before the support scheme was implemented ; in the period between 2010 and 2012 were not in compliance with the requirements for comparable investments in the market (prices of these investments were more or less halved). Due to that, many producers were granted the supports, which are not proportional and exceed the admissible amount of state aid determined by the Guidelines on State aid for environmental protection and energy, and national legislation. In such cases, the state should intervene in already granted supports, which are to be paid to producers for the produced electricity over the period of 15 years from the installation of the production facility. In accordance with the legislation, supports should be amend in a way to serve their purpose, that is to cover the difference between the production costs, including a normal return on assets, and the revenues from the sale of electricity in the market.

V okviru aktualnih procesov v mednarodni skupnosti je mogoče opaziti večje poudarjanje vloge nedržavnih akterjev v tradicionalnih državocentričnih oblikah vladanja. Aktivnosti slednjih so zaznane na področju problematike, povezane z oskrbo z globalnimi okoljskimi dobrinami. Magistrsko delo poskuša ovrednotiti vlogo nedržavnih akterjev, natančneje mednarodnih nevladnih okoljskih organizacij (MNVOO) v okviru mednarodnih okoljskih režimov, saj lahko aktivnosti MNVOO kritično vplivajo na učinkovito delovanje režimov samih. Predmet proučevanja je vpliv MNVOO v državocentričnih mednarodnih okoljskih režimih, primarni cilj pa je ovrednotenje vpliva MNVOO na spremembe v teh režimih. Vplive MNVOO bomo ovrednotili skozi zrcalo treh teoretskih perspektiv mednarodnih režimov. S podrobnejšo analizo Evropske unije kot pomembnega akterja mednarodnega režima za boj proti podnebnim spremembam, konkretno njenega sistema za trgovanje z emisijami (EU ETS), – in s to analizo povezanimi odzivi evropskih MNVOO na delovanje EU ETS – bomo dosegali cilj magistrskega dela. Ugotovitve pokažejo, da je vloga MNVOO v fazi oblikovanja mednarodnih okoljskih režimov manj pomembna kot v fazi implementacije. Realizem se pokaže kot najprimernejša teoretska perspektiva v fazi oblikovanja mednarodnih okoljskih režimov, saj ti kažejo posledice strukturnega izražanja moči med državami. Ker liberalizem poudarja pomen večjega vključevanja nevladnih akterjev v fazi implementacije mednarodnih režimov, se ta teoretska perspektiva izkaže kot najbolj primerna za obravnavo izbranega mednarodnega okoljskega režima. Liberalizmu se pridruži šibkejši kognitivizem, saj temelji na medsebojnem učenju ter delitvi informacij. ; Within the current processes of the contemporary international community, academic research observes a greater emphasis being placed on the role of international non-state actors in generally state-centered forms of governance. Their activities are manifested in the field of problems related to the supply of global environmental goods. This master's thesis aims to evaluate the role of non-state actors, (i.e. environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs)) in internationalenvironmental regimes (IERs), as ENGOs' activities can significantly contribute to a more effective operation of IERs. Thesis seeks to examine the impact of ENGOs on IERs, whereby its primary goal is to assess the actual ENGOs' influence on changes within state-centric IERs. ENGOs influence will be evaluated through the lens of three theoretical perspectives on international regimes. The set goal will be achived through detailed analysis of the European Union – and its emissions trading system (EU ETS), respectively – as one of the leading players within the international climate change regime – and through associated response of European ENGOs on EU ETS. Thesis shows that ENGOs play greater role at the IERs implementation phase in comparison to IERs formation phase. Realism proves to be the most applicable theoretical perspective at the IERs formation phase, as newly established IERs demonstrate structural power relations between the states. Placing greater emphasis on the ENGOs involvement at the IERs implementation phase, liberalism attests to be the most suitable theoretical perspective for this master's thesis case study. Being based on mutual learning and information sharing, liberalism is joined by weak cognitivism.

EU je prva regionalna organizacija, ki si je v GS OZN prizadevala za nadgradnjo svoje opazovalne funkcije in 3. maja 2011 z resolucijo GS OZN št. A/RES/65/276 pridobila okrepljen status opazovalca. Ker je sprejetje omenjene resolucije vzpostavilo okvir, ki prinaša spremembe za delovanje EU v GS OZN, je cilj moje magistrske naloge analizirati, kakšen vpliv je imela resolucija na koherentnost glasovanja DČ EU v GS OZN pri resolucijah, povezanih z jedrskim orožjem. Ker je nesoglasje med DČ EU v GS OZN najvišje glede resolucij, ki obravnavajo jedrsko orožje, sem raziskovala, v kolikšni meri je sprejetje resolucije GS OZN št. A/RES/65/276 prispevalo k sposobnosti EU, da v GS OZN predstavi skupno stališče oziroma »govori z enim glasom«, ko se razpravlja o tako kontroverzni temi. To ugotavljam na podlagi mešane metode in sicer kvantitativne analize glasovanja DČ EU na temo resolucij GS OZN, ki obravnavajo jedrsko orožje in kvalitativne analize morebitnih sprememb stališč DČ EU o jedrskem oboroževanju, v osemletnem obdobju pred in po sprejetju A/RES/65/276. Ugotavljam, da resolucija GS OZN št. A/RES/65/276 ni prispevala k večji stopnji koherentnosti glasovanja DČ EU v GS OZN pri glasovanju o resolucijah jedrskega orožja. DČ EU ostajajo razdeljene glede vprašanj jedrskega razoroževanja, pri čemer tako jedrske kot nejedrske države ohranjajo močne nacionalne preference. ; The EU is the first regional organization that has strived to upgrade its observer function in the UNGA and on 3rd May 2011, with the UNGA resolution A/RES/65/276 gained an enhanced observer status. Since the adoption of this resolution has created a framework that brings changes to the functioning of the EU in the UNGA, my master's thesis aims to analyze the impact of the resolution on the EU MS' voting coherence in the UNGA on nuclear-related resolutions. Since the disagreement between the EU MS in the UNGA is the highest regarding resolutions dealing with nuclear weapons, it seems appropriate to analyse to what extent the adoption of A/RES/65/276 contributed to the EU's ability to present a common position in the UNGA or the ability to »speak with one voice« when discussing such a controversial topic. I intend to identify this on the basis of a mixed method, i.e. a quantitative analysis of the EU MS' vote on the subject of resolutions dealing with nuclear weapons and qualitative analysis of possible changes of the EU's nuclear arms standpoints in the eight year period before and after the adoption of A/RES/65/276. Findings show that the UNGA Resolution no. A/RES/65/276, did not contribute to a greater coherence in the EU MS's voting in the UNGA when voting on nuclear weapons resolutions. EU MS remain divided on nuclear disarmament issues, with both nuclear and non-nuclear states maintaining strong national preferences.

The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; The research behind this paper is set in the context of the 2016 US presidential election that has come to symbolize the post-truth era. We conducted a literature review on the 2016 election, with the aim to better understand the impact of computational propaganda on the election outcome and on the behaviour of voters. The paper opens with a definition of post-truth society and related concepts such as fake news and computational propaganda. It explores the changes of political communication in a digital environment and analyses the role of social media in the 2016 election. It probes into phenomena such as the trivialization of politics and the loss of credibility of political actors, which are both common in post-truth societies. The reviewed literature seems to indicate that social media have become strong actors on the political stage, but so far not the predominant source of political information and influence on the behaviour of voters. The paper makes two important contributions. Firstly, drawing on the concept of post-truth society, it analyses the role of computational propaganda in the 2016 presidential election, and secondly, it attempts to explain the paradox of general political apathy on one hand, and increased political activism on the other. These are some of the challenges we are now facing, and in order to be able to cope with them it is important to acknowledge and understand them. ; Članek je utemeljen na raziskavah ameriških predsedniških volitev leta 2016, ki so postale simbol postresničnostnega obdobja. Predstavlja pregled literature na temo volitev in pomaga razumeti vpliv, ki ga je računalniška propaganda imela na izid volitev in obnašanje volivcev. Članek se začne z definicijo postresničnostne družbe in z njo povezanih konceptov, kot so lažne novice in računalniška propaganda. Poglobi se v spremembe, ki jih je politična komunikacija doživela v digitalnem okolju, in analizira vlogo socialnih medijev v volitvah leta 2016. Prouči tudi spremljajoče pojave postresničnostne družbe, kot sta banalnost politike in izguba kredibilnosti političnih akterjev. Po pregledu literature se zdi, da so socialni mediji sicer postali pomemben dejavnik na političnem odru, vendar zaenkrat še niso prevladujoč vir političnih informacij ali vpliva na obnašanje volivcev. Članek prinaša dva pomembna prispevka: s pomočjo koncepta postresničnostne družbe analizira vlogo računalniške propagande v predsedniških volitvah 2016, obenem pa skuša razložiti paradoks splošne politične apatije na eni strani in povečanega političnega aktivizma na drugi. Da bi bili pri soočanju z omenjenimi izzivi uspešni, jih moramo najprej prepoznati in razumeti.

The economic recession has exerted an important influence on the livesof the population in the European Union. Since 2008, when initial indications of the recession appeared,unemployment and poverty have increased in most member states of the European Union. Many European and national strategic documents were exposed; one of the key non-economic factors in easing out of a recession is investment in the development of knowledge. Political opinion regarding the important role of knowledge in solving problems of the economic recession raises the question of actual change in this area. In this paper, an understanding of the role of adult education in economic development (as oulined in the European strategic documents) is demonstrated, and in opposition to the same, an analysis of participation (and obstacles) in adult education at the beginning of the economic recession is pursued. ; Gospodarska recesija je pomembno zaznamovala življenje prebivalcev Evropske unije. Od leta 2008, ko se pojavijo prvi znaki recesije, sta se povečali brezposlenost in revščina v večini članic Evropske unije. Številni evropski in nacionalni strateški dokumenti so kot enega ključnih neekonomskih instrumentov izhoda iz recesije omenjali vlaganje v izobraževanje. Prepričanje politikov o pomembni vlogi izobraževanja pri reševanju gospodarske recesije pa odpira vprašanje o dejanskih spremembah na tem področju. V prispevku je na eni strani prikazano razumevanje vloge izobraževanja odraslih pri gospodarskem razvoju v evropskih strateških dokumentih in na drugi strani vključenost odraslih v izobraževanje in ovire pri tem ob začetku gospodarske recesije.

Živimo v času vedno večjih tehnoloških napredkov, zaradi česar smo vedno bolj povezani s pripadniki drugih držav in kultur. Pogosto lahko v vsakodnevnem življenju opazimo lastnosti ali elemente drugih kultur, ki so se skozi čas zakoreninili v našo kulturo ter s tem pripomogli k prepletanju in tvorbi novih, hibridiziranih, kultur. Kljub vedno večji dostopnosti ter posledičnemu prevzemanju tujih kulturnospecifičnih elementov pa se kulture na določenih področjih med seboj še vedno zelo razlikujejo. Poglavitne razlike se kažejo v dovzetnosti kultur za določene vsebine. Obstaja veliko vsebin, ki jih družba, glede na svojo kulturo, različno dojema. To pogosto privede do težav pri prenosu določenih vsebin iz ene kulture v drugo, zaradi česar se pri premagovanju teh ovir mnogi pogosto poslužujejo uporabe sredstev, kot sta cenzura in lokalizacija. Magistrska naloga obravnava uporabo teh sredstev pri prevajanju besedil kultnih kart iz igre Yu-Gi-Oh! Trading Card Game. Osredinili se bomo na pomen in pogostost pojavljanja cenzure in lokalizacije v angleških in nemških prevodih kart. Igra izhaja z Japonske, zato vsebuje veliko kulturnospecifičnih elementov, ki so pri prenosu vsebine z vzhodnega na zahodni trg bili zamenjani ali popolnoma odstranjeni. Pri prevajanju tovrstnih vsebin ni potrebno le dobro znanje obeh jezikov, temveč je za uspešno lokalizacijo in, posledično, ohranjanje izvorne ideje treba izkazati veliko mero izvirnosti in fleksibilnosti. Z magistrsko nalogo bomo analizirali prevajalske postopke, s pomočjo katerih so pri angleških in nemških prevodih bile prikrite ali spremenjene vsebine iz izvornega besedila kart ter predstavili vpliv teh sprememb, tako na idejo kot tudi sam potek igranja. ; We live in a time of technological advances which makes it seem as if the gap between nations, and cultures is shrinking every day. In everyday life we constantly face traits or elements of foreign cultures which have been imbedded in our own, intertwining different cultures and forming new ones. We call them hybridized cultures. Even though it is getting easier to access other cultures and, consequently, to integrate foreign culture-specific elements into our own, there are certain aspects in which cultures still differ greatly from one another. One of the main differences is the susceptibility of different cultures to certain topics. Society's perception of different discourses varies depending on cultural expectations, which often leads to difficulties with transferring certain topics from one culture to another. This hurdle can often be overcome with censorship or localisation. In this master's thesis we will discuss the use of both these means of text's modification in relation to the translation of card texts in the cult card game Yu-Gi-Oh! Trading Card Game. We will focus on the importance and the extent to which censorship and localisation were used in English and German card translations. Yu-Gi-Oh! Trading Card Game originated in Japan, therefore the game contains a lot of culture-specific elements. During the card game's transition between markets a lot of these elements were either replaced or completely removed from the game. Translating such contents requires not only good knowledge of both languages but also a translator's imagination and flexibility. This master's thesis will analyse different translation strategies used in the English and German card translations to change or eliminate certain elements from the original card texts. We will also analyse how these changes affected the game's original ideas and the way of playing.

V pričujoči raziskavi smo preučili strukturo, dejavnike in posledice politične kulture in državljanske participacije v postjugoslovanskih družbah. Uporabljenih je bilo več virov kvantitativnih podatkov, med drugim raziskava 2.178 študentov družboslovja v osmih postjugoslovanskih entitetah (M starost = 19,8 leta, SD = 1,89) ; reprezentativni vzorci Evropske raziskave vrednot (2008) ; pretekli valovi Svetovne raziskave vrednot (1995/8) in podatki raziskave jugoslovanske mladine (Jupio, 1986). Analiza na agregatni ravni je pokazala, da so v socioekonomsko manj razvitih okoljih (Kosovo, BiH in NJR Makedonija) v večji meri prisotni elementi podložniške politične kulture (Almond in Verba, 1963), v okviru katere so se kot ključni elementi na individualni ravni izkazali avtoritarnost, splošni tradicionalizem, tradicionalni pogled na spolne vloge in nacionalizem. Medentitetne razlike na merah ekonomske kulture (ekonomski egalitarizem in državni paternalizem) so povečini majhne in statistično neznačilne, saj vse entitete na obeh indikatorjih dosegajo visoke povprečne vrednosti. V skladu s predvidevanji dopolnjene modernizacijske teorije je demokratična politična kultura bolj koherentna v socioekonomsko bolj razvitih postjugoslovanskih državah, v nasprotju s teorijo pa manj razvite države dosegajo višje povprečne ravni državljanske participacije. Starost in socioekonomski status sta se izkazala za najmočnejša sociodemografska dejavnika politične kulture in državljanske participacije. Višje stopnje učinkovite demokracije (Inglehart in Welzel, 2007) dosegajo socioekonomsko bolj razvite države, ki izkazujejo tudi najvišje stopnje demokratične politične kulture. Longitudinalna analiza ni pokazala enotne smeri političnokulturnih sprememb ; slednje so v zadnjih dveh desetletjih bile v smeri večanja tako demokratičnih kot tudi nekaterih podložniških orientacij (npr. avtoritarnosti). Avtorji sklenejo, da proces demokratične konsolidacije, tako političnokulturne kot tudi institucionalne, v večini postjugoslovanskih družb še ni končan. Na koncu so predstavljene implikacije raziskave. ; The present study examined structures, determinants and consequences of political culture and citizen participation in post-Yugoslav societies. Several empirical data sources were employed, among others a survey of 2,178 social science students in eight post-Yugoslav entities (M age = 19.8 years, SD = 1.89) ; representative samples from European Values Study (2008), earlier waves of World Values Survey (1995/8) and a study of Yugoslav youth Jupio carried out in 1985. The aggregate level results indicated that socio-economically less developed entities (Kosovo, BiH, and FYR Macedonia) scored higher on subject political culture (Almond and Verba, 1963), which was at the individual level found to be characterized by its four core components: authoritarianism, general traditionalism, traditional gender roles attitudes, and nationalism. Between-country differences on measures of economic cultural orientations (economic egalitarianism and state paternalism) were largely minor or insignificant, since all entities scored high on both measures. As predicted by revised modernization theory democratic political culture was found to be more coherent in socioeconomically more developed post-Yugoslav countries. Inconsistent with modernization approach results demonstrated higher levels of citizen participation in less well-off countries. Age and socioeconomic status proved to be the most potent sociodemographic predictors of political culture and citizen participation. Finally, democracy was found to be more effective (Inglehart and Welzel, 2007) in socioeconomically more developed countries, which also scored highest on measures of democratic political culture. Longitudinal analysis did not uniformly confirm substantive political culture changes with changes in the last two decades taking place in both democratic as well as authoritarian direction. Authors conclude that the process of democratic consolidation, both political-cultural as well as institutional, is far from over in the majority of post-Yugoslav entities. Implications of the results are discussed.

Slovenija je po osamosvojitvi organizirala vojaško obrambo na način, kot je bil v nekdanji skupni državi. Razvijala je številčno veliko vojsko, v katero so bili vključeni z majhnim deležem pripadniki stalne sestave ter pripadniki rezervne sestave, ki so bili v enote SV razporejeni na podlagi zakonsko obveznega služenja v rezervni sestavi. Pripadniki moškega spola so se usposabljanja za obrambo domovine udeleževali na služenju vojaškega roka, ki je bil prav tako zakonsko obvezen za vse zdravstveno sposobne moške državljane, stare med 18 in 27 let. Ob nadaljnjem razvoju Slovenske vojske se je vse bolj kazala potreba po drugačnem organiziranju vojaške obrambe, ki bi tako zagotovila doseganje novih doktrinarnih in strateških obrambnih načel. Vse bolj se je kristalizirala potreba po prehodu na poklicni način popolnjevanja vojske. Slovenska vojska je s prehodom na poklicni način popolnjevanja, dopolnjenega s pogodbeno rezervo doživela številne spremembe tako v kadrovski kot tudi v organizacijski strukturi. Vse te spremembe pa so zahtevale spremembe tudi na drugih področjih, med njimi vojaški infrastrukturi. Po izvedeni koncentraciji sil in sredstev v perspektivne objekte, ki jih uporablja Slovenska vojska, je sledilo zagotavljanje bivalnih in delovnih zmogljivosti, kjer je nastanjena poklicna vojska. Sledeč cilju razviti majhno in dobro usposobljeno vojsko, so bili posodobljeni ali na novo zgrajeni tudi nekateri objekti, namenjeni izobraževanju, usposabljanju in urjenju. Pripadnik je najpomembnejši in ključni dejavnik v delovanju Slovenske vojske. Celostna skrb za pripadnike Slovenske vojske je postala s profesionalizacijo vojske pomembna dejavnost, ki pa do danes še ni zaživela v celoti. Prostorska urejenost za izvajanje programov celostne skrbi za pripadnike Slovenske vojske je marsikje še v obliki načrtov. ; After Slovenian independence the military defence in Slovenia was organized in the same way as it was in the former joint country. Slovenia developed armed forces, great in numbers, which were complemented by permanent forces' members in a minor part, and by reserve army, which were organized into Slovenian Armed Forces (SAF) units on the basis of a legally mandatory military service. Male citizens participated in homeland defence training in the form of military service, which was also legally mandatory for all medically fit male citizens between 18 and 27 years of age. With the further development of Slovenian Armed Forces, it has become clear that the military defence should be organized differently to ensure the achievement of new doctrinal and strategic defence principles. The need of transition to complement the armed forces with professional army has become more and more clear. With the transition to the professional army, additionally complemented by contract reserve force, the Slovenian Armed Forces have experienced numerous changes, both in staff and organizational structure. All these changes resulted also in modifications in other fields, such as military infrastructure. Following the concentration of forces and assets to perspective facilities, used by the Slovenian Armed Forces, the living and work capacities for the professional army were ensured. Some facilities intended for education, training and drills have been upgraded or rebuilt in the pursuit of developing small and well-trained armed forces. The most important and key factor in the functioning of SAF is a military member. The integral care for members of the SAF has, with the professionalization of the armed forces, become an extremely important activity, which has not yet entirely thrived. The spatial arrangement of implementation of integral care programmes for SAF members is still largely in the planning phase.