Suchergebnisse

Hablar de autores y novelas independientes debería ser un cometido o una prioridad de la crítica literaria en un país como Colombia. Y caracterizo este grupo de escritores y obras dentro de aquellas que no cuentan con un apoyo sólido en las editoriales tradicionales o los círculos literarios habituales, algunos de estos integrados por narradores ya aclamados. Por ende, bien vale la pena dar un vistazo a aportes literarios de poca divulgación que por tal motivo se ubican al margen de los siempre promocionados. La democratización de la cultura, el arte y los saberes en general ayudarían mucho a generar inclusión y a la conformación de una sociedad más armónica y tolerante; tal vez sería una manera más de hacer paz en nuestro país.

In the past decade the Colombian Economic Authorities undertook a series of measures that reduced the structural fiscal deficit, decreased the Government currency mismatch and deepened the local fixed-rate public bond market. This paper presents some evid

*Bayartsengel Damdinjav, Chuck Davis, Steven Jones, Zach Long, Claudia Risner, Sydney Sheppard, Christina Slentz Climate change is the global challenge of the twenty-first century, a threat that carries dire environmental, social, security, and economic implications for every region of the world. According to the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, the primary driver of climate change is the increase in greenhouse gas emissions attributed to human activities. Although climate change must be met with a comprehensive global response in order to effectively address the effects of harmful greenhouse gases (GHG), these efforts depend on the actions taking place within nations. The United States, the greatest per-capita emitter of GHG, and China, that produces the largest amount of GHG overall, bear a good deal of responsibility for the problem. The United States, in particular, with its rejection of the Kyoto Protocol and its inability to craft a viable climate change agenda, has failed to offer the leadership needed to secure meaningful reductions in GHG. This essay seeks to establish perspective by profiling the political, social, and economic circumstances within six nations (three advanced industrial countries and three newly modernizing countries) and the European Union (EU) in order to better understand the dynamics involved in achieving a global solution to climate change.Case Studies1.- European UnionThe European Union has led the push for climate change regulationsto curb emissions 30% by 2030 and 80%-95% by 2050. To reach that goal, it has invested significant funds targetting 20% of the EU budget from 2014-2020 towards climate related measures. The EU believes that climate change policies will not only preserve the planet for generations to come but will also create greater long-term health and economic benefits. This position can be attributed to the lack of politicization of climate change in the EU allowing politicians to advocate forward thinking policies without the constant fear of political or electoral retribution. Furthermore, the close proximity of EU member states and their relatively small size creates an "all in this together" mentality allowing them to harness their resources to compete with larger world powers.2.- United KingdomWidely acknowledged as one of the foremost countries addressing climate change, the United Kingdom moved definitively to establish a science-based framework for approaching this global phenomenon even prior to the Earth Summit in Rio in 1992. This de-politicizing effort is revealed in the staunch support of conservatives like Margaret Thatcher, whose instrumental leadership set this critical tone and aided in the formation of the UN's Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change in 1990, and Tony Blair, who seized his 2005 G-8 presidential term as an opportunity to promote the reduction of GHG through mitigation technologies, sustainable energy, and adaptation strategies. The UK has fostered domestic integration of climate and energy policies to reduce ill effects at home as well as international cooperation in the form of a post-Kyoto strategy and the ongoing European Union's Emission Trading Scheme (ETS), designed to blend climate change collaborative goals of equity distribution and cost effectiveness.3.- CanadaCanada's efforts to address climate change can be best described as leaping forward, stepping back and, finally, standing in place. An original early proponent for mitigation since 1975, under the Chrétien administration in the 1990s, the country committed to relatively aggressive reductions - - a 30% decrease over projected 2010 emissions - - as part of the Kyoto Protocol. However, a clear implementation plan proved elusive until 2005, at which time "Project Green" successfully established meaningful initiatives. Although temporarily rolled back the following year under the more business-friendly Harper administration, a brief surge in climate change public awareness subsequently forced the return of some mitigation initiatives. Currently, climate change policy stagnation is largely explained by prioritizing economic growth over environmental concernsparticularly in the wake of the 2008 Credit Crisis.It is further complicated by Canada's neighbor to the south - - the administration of President Barack Obama who supports addressing GHG emissions and a clean energy future.4.- AustraliaAustralia's international position on climate change reflects its domestic policy agenda. For the first 10-years of the Kyoto Protocol, 1997-2007, Australia was a climate change laggard based on both its refusal to ratify the agreement and its largely symbolic GHG reduction policies. In 2007, Australia ratified the Protocol and implemented stringent abatement policies but is now reversing course. What caused the shifts Down Under? Two domestic factors, electoral interests and political leadership, are most influential. Compared to economic growth, voters' prioritization of environmental issues rose until 2007 and then declined. The political leadership within the Coalition government (1996-2007, reelected in 2013) favors business and the fossil fuel industry, and is skeptical of climate change. This stands in contrast to the Labor Party (2007-2013) that favors GHG emissions reductions. So, although Australia has committed internationally to a 5% reduction of 2000 level emissions by 2020, it still lacks a consistent domestic policy to achieve this goal. Russia Russia experienced massive industrial decline in the immediate aftermath of the Soviet Union's collapse in 1991. Despite the fact that there has been a significant reduction of GHG emissions, Russia still ranks third on the list of the largest greenhouse gas emitters in the world. Problems caused by climate change in recent decades include public health risks, increased recurrence, intensity and duration of droughts in some regions, extreme precipitation patterns, floods, and over-moisturized soil and permafrost degradation in the northern regions. However, the climate change issue does not constitute a priority for Russian authorities. Several internal factors, such as a well-rooted skepticism within the Russian scientific community towards anthropogenic global warming, low environmental awareness among Russian citizens, and the priority given to the country's economic restoration, suggests that Russian climate policy is to a great extent being driven by the pursuit of benefits in areas other than that of environmental policy.ChinaOne of the best ways to summarize China's approach to climate change is via a domestic politics model. Decisionmakers involved in China's climate change policy belong to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and there is little or no foreign influence over them. Among these decision makers, the most influential have managed to frame the issue as one of sovereignty and economic development. These hardliners see climate change as an issue that threatens China's sovereignty and its right to develop economically. As such, it has taken a stance of not joining any multilateral agreement until the U.S. does so. Thus, China's right to develop economically is assured. Domestically, China has made progress developing solar and wind technology for domestic use and for foreign markets. However, it continues to use fossil fuels, especially coal,to ensure that it develops along the lines deemed acceptable to the CCP.IndiaIndia's position on climate change is guided by two priorities - - namely, sustainable development and the elimination of poverty. With a growing economy that demands more energy for growth, there are hundreds of millions of people without access to electricity in India. Energy use and consequently greenhouse gas emissions will grow substantially in the coming decades. As a modernizing country, India is not bound to any GHG emission reduction goals under the Kyoto Protocol. However, it has established a National Action Plan on Climate Change and implemented a combination of mitigation and adaptation policies to reduce the country's contributions to climate change. These policies include energy conservation, promotion of renewable energy, abatement of air pollution among others. While India's development will require growth in energy use, the country must work to reduce the energy intensity of its production processes.Comparative AnalysisOn the basis of political, economic and social factors, a comparative analysis of the case studies reveals three key groupings: supporters of international climate change policy that involves implementing significant carbon mitigation reduction requirements; fickle hesitators who, if cooperative, face major reduction requirements; and unburdened supporters who face little-to-no mitigation requirements. The EU and the UK, as a climate change leader, fall into the first category, politically defined as highly democratic and economically and regionally integrated. The EU and the UK have softened views on sovereignty, have historically utilized the market for political/social ends, and normatively seek international cooperation as a means of reducing risk.For Canada and Australia,reduced support for international action on climate change is largely based on modern era socio-political attitudes and a perceived threat to their economic viability. Stemming from strong political views on state sovereignty, they are historically less likely to cooperate on international initiatives and, unlike the economically integrated EU and UK, are not willing to constrain markets in the name of political or social ends. These nations traditionally prefer individualistic as opposed to collective responses to major issues and consequently see cooperative action as risky.The newly modernizing countries of China, India and Russia exhibit different degrees of democracy and are not economically integrated nor fully industrialized. While highly centralized political authority is helpful in making international level commitments, enforcement capacity is hindered domestically. Willingness to cooperate is generally conditional upon gaining financial assistance and technical support needed for development. For China and Russia, the first priority is maintaining state authority and social well-being for the sake of stability. Environmental policy is put forward only when these priorities are not threatened. For India, the focus centers on lifting its population out of poverty that takes precedence over international climate change cooperation.ConclusionOverall, countries willing to cooperate internationally and make sacrifices to mitigate the causes of climate change perceive a lower economic and political threat for doing so than countries that refuse. In fact, the supporters of international climate change policy are more likely to view global warming as an all-encompassing economic, political, and social threat rather than as a discrete environmental threat. Having said this, they also see potential opportunities in assuming the role of early adaptors to climate change.Countries reluctant to support international cooperation face domestic political barriers that the comparative analysis above indicates is due primarily to economic perceptions and viability. Some countries that have rejected a commitment to international cooperation have, in fact, implemented national or sub-state abatement policies. At the same time, others ignore the threat entirely.In short, differences in behavior toward climate change indicates that not all countries perceive the threat the same. The task for climate change leaders, therefore, is to maintain their resolve to educate global populations such that perceptions of economic risk become less significant than perceptions of climate change risk. At the same time, they must offer best practices of reducing compliance costs and sharing knowledgeto build a clean energy agenda in order to ensure a sustainable global solution to climate change. *Students in the Graduate Program in International StudiesOld Dominion University, USAUnder the Direction of Professor Glen Sussman

This article offers a detailed analysis of the conflict around the TIPNIS from the point of view of an independent consultant and cultural activist based in Bolivia. In its development, the article historically contextualizes the conflict of the TIPNIS locating it within the social and political process that today lives Bolivia. The author pauses in the analysis of "which substantially reveals the conflict" and in the political challenges that it poses to the government of the MAS, problematizing the "process of change" announced in 2005, during the electoral campaign that lead to Evo Morales to the Presidency of Bolivia. ; Este artículo ofrece un análisis detallado del conflicto en torno al TIPNIS desde la perspectiva de una consultora independiente y activista cultural radicada en Bolivia. En su desarrollo, el artículo contextualiza históricamente el conflicto del TIPNIS y lo sitúa dentro del proceso social y político que hoy vive Bolivia. La autora se detiene en el análisis de "lo que revela el conflicto" y en los desafíos políticos que le plantea al gobierno del MAS, problematizando sustancialmente el "proceso de cambio" anunciado el año 2005, durante la campaña electoral que condujo a Evo Morales a la Presidencia de Bolivia.

Because society is shaped through the stories we tell, women's testimonies are of foundational relevance when we reflect on social change, since their stories reinvent not only individual but also collective identity. As an examination from a life narrative perspective on how women view, enact, and reformulate their role in society, this paper centers on the testimony of Dr. Diana Maffía, whom –among other noteworthy womenwas instrumental in solidifying the work on gender and feminist perspective in Argentina since the early 1980s. This paper is an approach to Maffía's story, about her growing up during military dictatorship, her early years as a philosophy student at the University of Buenos Aires, her embrace of feminism, and the weaving of her two passions that resulted in the establishment of a permanent presence of the concept of gender within the very structure of Argentinean society. Maffía's narrative brings to light the work that unsung heroines do throughout their lives, evidencing that women have always been at the forefront of generating and sustaining change. ; Las sociedades se estructuran de acuerdo a las historias que se narran de ellas. Las historias de vida de las mujeres son fundamentales para toda sociedad desde el momento en que sus narrativas reflejan cambios y reinventan historias tanto personales como colectivas. Este manuscrito se centra en la historia de vida de la Dra. Diana Maffía, quien entre otras mujeres notables Argentinas ha hecho una labor constante y necesaria, solidificando el trabajo en el área de género y la perspectiva feminista desde comienzos de los años '80. Su testimonio ofrece una perspectiva desde donde entender cómo las mujeres ven, actúan y reformulan los roles de género. Se examina aquí su testimonio, experiencia vivida durante la última dictadura militar en Argentina, historia como estudiante de filosofía en la Universidad de Buenos Aires, interés en el feminismo, y capacidad para aunar dos pasiones que le permitieron hacer un trabajo constante y sostenido junto a otras feministas para instalar el concepto de género en su sociedad. El testimonio de la Dra. Maffía ilumina la labor que heroínas desconocidas han hecho y hacen a diario, dejando en claro que las mujeres han estado siempre a la vanguardia de la creación y el sostenimiento del cambio social. ; Sociedades são estruturadas de acordo com as histórias que são contadas sobre elas. As histórias de vida das mulheres são fundamentais para toda as comunidades, a partir do momento em que suas narrações refletem mudanças e reinventam histórias pessoais e coletivas. Este manuscrito enfoca a história de vida da Dra. Diana Maffia, que entre outras mulheres argentinas notáveis, realizou uma labor constante e necessária, solidificando o trabalho na área de gênero e perspectiva feminista desde o início dos anos 80. O testemunho oferece uma perspectiva a partir da qual entende-se como as mulheres vêem, atuam e reformulam os papéis de gênero. Neste artigo é examinado, particularmente, a experiência de Maffia durante a última ditadura militar na Argentina, sua história como estudante de filosofia na Universidade de Buenos Aires, seu interesse pelo feminismo e sua capacidade de combinar duas paixões que lhe permitiram fazer um trabalho constante e sustentado juntamente à outras feministas para instalar o conceito de gênero em sua sociedade. A narrativa da Dra. Maffia ilustra o trabalho que heroínas desconhecidas fizeram e fazem todos os dias, deixando claro que as mulheres sempre estiveram na vanguarda da criação e sustentação da mudança social.

"Proceedings of the Twenty-second International Conference on Knowledge, Culture, and Change in Organizations, hosted by the Alvernia University, 14-15 January 2022. The conference featured research addressing the following special focus: "Organizational Memetics: Nature-Centered Perspectives on Organizations" and annual themes: Organizational Intangibles and Tangible Value: What are the intangible drivers which determine the livability of organizations for insiders and their credibility and attraction to outsiders?; Knowledge Economies as the Constant: Ours is the era of the knowledge economy, but when has this not been the truth?; Organizations as Knowledge Makers: What is this nebulous thing 'knowledge' and how do organizations create, innovate, and manage it?; The Value of Culture and the Demand of Change: How do we guide change to social, stakeholder and market dynamics grounded in principles of ethics, equality and care for those in our organizations and the societies we live in?"--

"A key claim of this article is the need for re-politicizing the processes of social change in Mexico, while critically examining economic imperatives as selfinduced enforcement mechanisms. Focusing on the socio-political dimensions of the process, I undertake an analysis of the features of the democratization processes currently under way. It is emphasized that if the latter are to succeed, we need to be aware of the broad transformative effects which they entail. Therefore, the challenge for a more egalitarian and democratic society must be undertaken without delay. It is suggested that network governance could be of great help in drawing up a more democratic agenda, which may open up further possibilities of transformation."

Caribbean economies, lifestyles, activities, practices and operational cycles are intricately linked to climate, making them vulnerable to its variations and/or changes. As examples, climate extremes impact agriculture, fisheries, health, tourism, water availability, recreation, and energy usage, among other things. There is however limited incorporation of climate information in the long term developmental plans and policies of the region. This is in part due to a knowledge deficit about climate change, it's likely manifestation in the region and the possible impact on Caribbean societies. In this paper, a review of the growing bank of knowledge about Caribbean climate science; variability and change is undertaken. Insight is offered into the basic science of climate change, past trends and future projections for Caribbean climate, and the possible implications for the region. In the end a case is made for a greater response to the threats posed by climate change on the basis of the sufficiency of our current knowledge of Caribbean climate science. A general profile of what the response may look like is also offered. ; Las economías de los países caribeños, los estilos de vida, las actividades, y las prácticas y ciclos operativos están íntimamente ligados al clima, por lo que estas sociedades son vulnerables a los cambios y/o las variaciones del mismo. Los extremos climáticos afectan la agricultura, pesca, salud, turismo, disponibilidad de agua, recreación, uso de energía, para sólo mencionar algunos ejemplos. Sin embargo, no se incorpora mucha información acerca del clima en los planes de desarrollo a largo plazo ni en el desarrollo de políticas públicas de la región. Esto se debe en parte a un desconocimiento acerca del cambio climático, su manifestación probable en la región y su posible impacto en las sociedades caribeñas. Este artículo presenta una revisión del creciente banco de conocimiento sobre la ciencia climática caribeña; sus cambios y variabilidad. Se ofrece una breve descripción de los fundamentos de la ciencia que estudia el cambio climático, las tendenciaspasadas y las proyecciones futuras para el clima en el Caribe, así como los posibles impactos para la región. Al final se aboga por que haya una mayor respuesta a las amenazas que representan los cambios climáticos entendiendo que la ciencia climática caribeña cuenta con suficiente información actualizada. Además, se presenta un perfil general de cómo podría ser tal respuesta. ; Les économies des pays caribéens, les modes de vie, les activités, les pratiques et les cycles opérationnels sont intimement liés au climat, à cause de la vulnérabilité de ces sociétés face aux changements climatiques et/ou aux variations de ces deniers. Les extrêmes climatiques affectent l'agriculture, la pêche, la santé, le tourisme, l'approvisionnement en eau, la consommation d'énergie, pour ne citer que quelques exemples. Cependant, peu d'importance est accordé au climat dans les plans de développement à long terme, ni dans le développement des politiques publiques de la région. Ceci est dû en partie à un manque de connaissance sur le changement climatique, sa probable manifestation dans la région et son possible impact dans les sociétés caribéennes. Cet article présente une vue d'ensemble de la croissante banque de connaissances sur la science du climat caribéen ; ses changements et ses variabilités. On propose une brève description des éléments fondamentaux de la science qui étudie le changement climatique, les tendances passées et les projections futures pour le climat dans la Caraïbe, ainsi que les menaces que représentent les changements climatiques, tout en considérant que tenant compte la science climatique caribéenne dispose suffisamment de données récentes. En outre, on présente un aperçu général de la façon dont le problème climatique pourrait être abordé.

Climate change has become a major concern for theinternational community. Among its consequences, its impact onmigration is the object of increasing attention from both policymakersand researchers. Yet, knowledge in this fi eld remains limitedand fragmented. This paper therefore provides an overview of theclimate change – migration nexus: on the basis of available empiricalfi ndings, it investigates the key issues at stake, including the social andpolitical context in which the topic emerged; states' policy responsesand the views of different institutional actors; critical perspectiveson the actual relationship between the environment and (forced)migration; the concepts and notions most adequate to address thisrelationship; gender and human rights implications; as well asinternational law and policy orientations. Two major interconnectedarguments arise. The fi rst regards the weight of environmental andclimatic factors in migration and their relationship to other pushor pull factors, whether of social, political or economic nature. Thesecond is about the political framework in which such migrationfl ows should take place and the manner in which to treat the peoplewho move in connection with environmental factors. The two issuesare deeply intertwined, as the extent to which the environmentdetermines migration is intimately connected to the status to beassociated with the people concerned. ; El cambio climático se ha convertido en una preocupación fundamental para la comunidad internacional. Entre otras consecuencias, su influencia en la migración es objeto de una creciente atención tanto de los encargados de formular políticas como de los investigadores. Sin embargo, el conocimiento en este campo es aún limitado y fragmentario. Por ello en el siguiente estudio sepresenta un panorama general del nexo entre cambio climático y migración. Sobre la base de las conclusiones empíricas disponibles, en él se estudian los aspectos clave de la cuestión, comprendido el contexto político y social en que surgió el tema; las respuestas de políticas de los Estados y los pareceres de los diferentes actores institucionales;las perspectivas críticas sobre la relación efectiva entre el medio ambiente y la migración (forzada); los conceptos y nociones más adecuados para tratar esta relación; las implicaciones encuanto a los derechos humanos y al género; así como el derecho internacional y las orientaciones de las políticas. Surgen aquí dos debates relacionados entre sí: el primero atañe al peso de los factores ambientales y climáticos en la migración y su relación con otrosfactores que pueden estimular la migración o desalentarla, ya sean de naturaleza social, política o económica. El segundo se refiere al marco normativo en el que debería darse tal fl ujo de migración y elmodo en que se debe tratar a las personas que se trasladan debidoa factores ambientales. Ambos asuntos están íntimamente entrelazados;en efecto, la medida en que el medio ambiente determinala migración está estrechamente vinculada a la manera en que se considera a la población afectada.

The link between hunger and climate change is already known and is not new in the literature, especially if we take into account only the national level and trade related. The intense land use to produce just one cultivation, the burning and deforestation methods applied to clear the soil and to make the crops rotations, which damage the mineral resources and displace animals from their habitats, jointly with the intense use of pesticides and transgenic technology in the agriculture, such as in soy and corn cultures, are related to the increase of hunger in the world because hunger is not only about production, but also consumption (income of people and quality of food choices) and distribution (food waste and poor people access to food), and the way the soil is managed is crucial for the production of nutritious quality food. However, an underexplored approach has great potential to provide important elements in the search for a sustainable and lasting solution to those issues. This approach is the concept of food sovereignty. The concept of food sovereignty includes production and consumption in local level, but aiming the collective well-being, through using sustainable techniques to produce food (natural fertilizers, adequate planting and collection cycles for each type of food, no use of artificial pesticides and adequate soil management without deforesting, polluting or burning areas), prioritizing family farming and the supply of more nutritious and quality food. This concept addresses some possible solutions to two of the most bother issues in the present time in a multi-level analysis to counter economic and political marginalization. Food sovereignty practices would lead us to end, or at least reduce, the hunger situations and the problems related to climate changes as long as we improve our food systems to efficient, but also more human ones. El vínculo entre el hambre y el cambio climático ya es conocido y no es nuevo en la literatura, especialmente si lo tenemos en cuenta solo a nivel nacional y el comercio relacionado. El uso intensivo de la tierra para producir un solo cultivo, los métodos de quema y deforestación aplicados para limpiar el suelo y hacer rotaciones de cultivos, que dañan los recursos minerales y desplazan animales de sus habitats, sumado al intenso uso de pesticidas y tecnología transgénica en la agricultura, como en los cultivos de soja y maíz, están relacionados con el aumento del hambre en el mundo, porque el hambre no es solo producción, sino también consumo (ingresos de las personas y calidad de la variedad de alimentos) y distribución (alimentos desperdiciados y acceso de la gente pobre a los alimentos), y la forma en que se maneja el suelo es crucial para la producción de alimentos nutritivos de calidad. Sin embargo, un enfoque poco explorado tiene un gran potencial para proporcionar elementos importantes en la búsqueda de una solución sostenible y duradera para esos problemas. Este enfoque está en el concepto de soberanía alimentaria. El concepto de soberanía alimentaria incluye la producción y el consumo a nivel local, pero teniendo como objetivo el bienestar colectivo, mediante el uso de técnicas sostenibles de producción de alimentos (fertilizantes naturales, ciclos adecuados de siembra y recolección para cada tipo de alimento, no usar pesticidas artificiales y un adecuado uso del suelo sin deforestación, contaminación o quema de áreas), priorizando la agricultura familiar y el suministro de comida más nutritiva y de mayor calidad. Este concepto aborda algunas posibles soluciones a dos de los problemas más problemáticos en el presente en un análisis a varios niveles para contrarrestar la marginación económica y política. Las prácticas de soberanía alimentaria nos conduciría a ponerle fin, o al menos reducir, las situaciones de hambre y los problemas relacionados con el cambio climático siempre y cuando mejoremos nuestros sistemas alimentarios para que sean más eficientes, pero también más humanos ; The link between hunger and climate change is already known and is not new in the literature, especially if we take into account only the national level and trade related. The intense land use to produce just one cultivation, the burning and deforestation methods applied to clear the soil and to make the crops rotations, which damage the mineral resources and displace animals from their habitats, jointly with the intense use of pesticides and transgenic technology in the agriculture, such as in soy and corn cultures, are related to the increase of hunger in the world because hunger is not only about production, but also consumption (income of people and quality of food choices) and distribution (food waste and poor people access to food), and the way the soil is managed is crucial for the production of nutritious quality food. However, an underexplored approach has great potential to provide important elements in the search for a sustainable and lasting solution to those issues. This approach is the concept of food sovereignty. The concept of food sovereignty includes production and consumption in local level, but aiming the collective well-being, through using sustainable techniques to produce food (natural fertilizers, adequate planting and collection cycles for each type of food, no use of artificial pesticides and adequate soil management without deforesting, polluting or burning areas), prioritizing family farming and the supply of more nutritious and quality food. This concept addresses some possible solutions to two of the most bother issues in the present time in a multi-level analysis to counter economic and political marginalization. Food sovereignty practices would lead us to end, or at least reduce, the hunger situations and the problems related to climate changes as long as we improve our food systems to efficient, but also more human ones.

Introduction: Changing Values and Changing Societies -- Ch. 1. Value Systems: The Subjective Aspect of Politics and Economics -- Ch. 2. Individual-Level Change and Societal-Level Change -- Ch. 3. Modernization and Postmodernization in 43 Societies -- Ch. 4. Measuring Materialist and Postmaterialist Values -- Ch. 5. The Shift toward Postmaterialist Values, 1970-1994 -- Ch. 6. Economic Development, Political Culture, and Democracy: Bringing the People Back In -- Ch. 7. The Impact of Culture on Economic Growth -- Ch. 8. The Rise of New Issues and New Parties -- Ch. 9. The Shift toward Postmodern Values: Predicted and Observed Changes, 1981-1990 -- Ch. 10. The Erosion of Institutional Authority and the Rise of Citizen Intervention in Politics -- Ch. 11. Trajectories of Social Change -- App. 1. A Note on Sampling: Figures A.1 and A.2 -- App. 2. Partial 1990 WVS Questionnaire, with Short Labels for Items Used in Figure 3.2.

Media attention on climate change (cc) in developing countries is crucial for understanding the discourses that exist in vulnerable zones. Past research has focused on printed media coverage of cc in western developed countries, but there is little knowledge on online media in developing countries. Using framing theory framework, this study analyses the way in which spanish-speaking online media frames news about cc. We carried out a quantitative content analysis of 889 news items from 97 online media outlets that published news about cc during cop16 (Cancun-2010) and cop17 (Durban-2011). Findings show that the principal sources are politicians and almost half of the news items came from news wire services. The analysis also indicated an association between the quoted source and the news frame. It is discussed that there exists a 'nationalistic domestication' and that media coverage does not respond to local needs. Further qualitative and comparative analyses are suggested

El artículo examina cómo la paridad de género es un mecanismo viable para proteger la capacidad de transformación que caracteriza a la democracia. Fundamentalmente, se sostiene que un sistema democrático debe ofrecer espacios de deliberación con el fin de debatir las relaciones de género y erradicar las prácticas de dominación. Así, se argumenta que la exclusión y censura de los grupos que cuestionan las prácticas predominantes de género contradice el espíritu de la democracia. Por lo tanto, si las mujeres no encuentran caminos institucionales para expresar sus ideas y materializar sus deseos y creencias, se deben diseñar instituciones democráticas que permitan su mayor inclusión. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.22518/16578953.129