Suchergebnisse

El mes de noviembre de 1975 , con la enfermedad y muerte de Franco, tuvo una es-pecial atención desde la prensa del Reino Unido dados los cambios que se podían aventurar en España. El presente artículo pretende analizar cual fue el relato periodístico de cuatro medios de diferente índole política como The Daily Telegraph, The Times, The Guardian y Morning Star como medio para influir en la opinión pú-blica británica. Todos eran conscientes que la muerte de Franco suponía un cambio en Espa-ña, pero dependiendo de sus intereses y ten-dencia se postulaba sobre cuales eran las mejo-res condiciones para el futuro del la España tardofranquista. ; In November, 1975, with the Franco's disease and death, British media had a special attention to Spain due to the changes that could happen in the country. The article tries to analyse which was the journalistic statement of four newspapers with different political nature as The Daily Telegraph, The Times, The Guar-dian and Morning Star as way to influence the public British opinion. They all were conscious that Franco's death supposed a change in Spain, but depending on their interests and trend was postulated on which they were the best condi-tions for the future of the after Franco's Spain.

The new century has been affected by a series of transformations in different dimensions, leading to a rethinking of international economic relations in general and integration processes in particular, questioning their objectives and guided by pragmatism, have adopted formats of Integration and flexibility derived from diverse conceptions of development as a way of facing the changes that operate in this global world.The European paradigm, as an example to emulate, is in crisis by a combination of factors ranging from the resurgence of nationalist tendencies to the disparate mechanisms of confrontation of migratory problems, thus Britain's Brexit urging the withdrawal of the European Union (EU).The political dynamic in America has passed from the resumption of negotiations between the United States of America and Cuba to the policy that will develop the country from the North from 2017, implying an alteration in the future objectives against the possibility of leaving the Treaty North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Trans-Pacific Partnership Agreement (TPP).In this context, the Latin American debate takes place between deepening some of the existing integration processes or, on the contrary, limiting them to more moderate purposes.Once again, the "Contributions for Latin American Integration" Magazine contributes to the analysis of the new scenario facing Regional Integration, looking for options that overcome the stagnation and persistent fragmentation. ; El nuevo siglo se ha visto afectado por una serie de transformaciones en diferentes dimensiones, que llevan a un replanteo de las relaciones económicas internacionales en general y de los procesos de integración en particular, cuestionando sus objetivos y guiados por el pragmatismo, han adoptado formatos de integración flexibles y mínimos derivados de diversas concepciones de desarrollo como forma de enfrentar los cambios que operan en este mundo global.El paradigma europeo, como ejemplo a emular, se encuentra en crisis por una conjunción de factores que van desde el resurgimiento de tendencias nacionalistas hasta los dispares mecanismos de enfrentamiento de los problemas migratorios, así el Brexit de Gran Bretaña instando al retiro de la Unión Europea(UE).La dinámica política en América ha pasado del reinicio de las negociaciones entre los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica y Cuba a la política que desarrollará el país del Norte a partir del año 2017, conllevando una alteración en los objetivos futuros frente a la posibilidad de desligarse del Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte (TLCAN) y el Acuerdo de Asociación Transpacífico (TPP).En este contexto, el debate latinoamericano transcurre entre profundizar algunos de los procesos de integración existentes o, por el contrario, limitarlos a propósitos más moderados.Una vez más, desde la Revista "Aportes para la Integración Latinoamericana" se contribuye al análisis del nuevo escenario que afronta la Integración Regional, buscando opciones superadoras al estado de estancamiento y fragmentación subsistente.

El principal objetivo de este documento es contribuir al análisis tanto de la marginación de los derechos territoriales de las mujeres en Brasil por parte de las instituciones gubernamentales, como de los movimientos de las mujeres rurales. Al objeto de contextualizar este análisis, la primera sección del informe presenta las transformaciones más amplias experimentadas por la economía rural brasileña, fundamentalmente en los dos últimos decenios, y los principales cambios operados en la situación las mujeres rurales a consecuencia de la modernización de la agricultura. Por lo tanto, en estas páginas se describen los desafíos que plantean los derechos territoriales de las mujeres desde la perspectiva de: (i) el Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária (INCRA); (ii) el Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra (MST), que carece de una estructura organizativa aparte para las mujeres; (iii) el sindicalismo rural, representado por la Confederação Nacional dos Trabalhadores da Agricultura (CONTAG), que cuenta con una estructura aparte con un sistema de cuotas para la participación de las mujeres en los sindicatos rurales; y (iv) la Articulação das Instâncias de Mulheres Trabalhadoras Rurais-Sul y la Articulação Nacional de Mulheres Trabalhadoras Rurais, que tiene una estructura autónoma para las mujeres. Estas secciones se basan en el análisis cualitativo de documentos y prospectos tanto del gobierno como de diversos movimientos, y en las investigaciones realizadas en este ámbito entre julio y septiembre de 2000. ; The main objective of this paper is to contribute to the analysis of the marginalization of women's land rights in Brazil by governmental institutions and rural women's movements. In order to contextualize this analysis, the first section of the paper presents the broader transformations of the Brazilian rural economy, principally over the last two decades, and the major changes that have occurred in the position of rural women as a result of agricultural modernization. The paper then describes the challenges posed by women's land rights from the perspectives of (i) the Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária (INCRA); (ii) the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra (MST), which does not have a separate organizational structure for women; (iii) rural trade unionism represented by the Confederação Nacional dos Trabalhadores da Agricultura (CONTAG), which does have a separate structure with a quota system for women's participation in the rural unions; and (iv) the Articulação das Instâncias de Mulheres Trabalhadoras Rurais-Sul and Articulação Nacional de Mulheres Trabalhadoras Rurais, which has a formally autonomous structure for women. These sections are based on qualitative analysis of documents and pamphlets both from the government and the various movements, and on field research carried out between July and September 2000. ; Cette étude entend principalement apporter sa contribution à l'analyse de la marginalisation, par les institutions gouvernementales et les mouvements des femmes rurales, des droits fonciers des femmes au Brésil. Pour situer le contexte de cette analyse, l'auteur présente dans la première section les grands changements qui se sont produits, surtout au cours des 20 dernières années, dans l'économie rurale au Brésil et dans la condition des femmes rurales à la suite de la modernisation de l'agriculture. Elle décrit ensuite les problèmes que posent les droits fonciers des femmes du point de vue de (i) l'Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária (INCRA), (ii) du Movimento dos Trabalhadores Sem Terra (MST), qui n'a pas de structure organique séparée pour les femmes, (iii) du syndicalisme rural représenté par la Confederação Nacional dos Trabalhadores da Agricultura (CONTAG), qui a une structure séparée ainsi qu'un système de quota pour assurer la participation des femmes aux activités des syndicats ruraux et (iv) de l'Articulação das Instâncias de Mulheres Trabalhadoras Rurais-Sul et de l'Articulação Nacional de Mulheres Trabalhadoras Rurais, qui ont une structure officiellement autonome pour les femmes. Ces sections reposent sur l'analyse qualitative de documents et de brochures émanant tant du gouvernement que des divers mouvements, et sur les recherches menées sur le terrain entre juillet et septembre 2000. /

Recibido con unas expectativas excepcionalmente altas que conducirían a una nueva era en la política Estados Unidos-África, los primeros años de la administración Obama prometen más continuidad, en oposición a la oleada de cambios en la política africana de Bush. Aparte de una leve modificación en la retórica y tono, existen pocos puntos de cambio sustantivo en las relaciones de Estados Unidos hacia África. Dadas las contribuciones más importantes de la era Bush con respecto a la salud pública y la promoción de la democracia, construir sobre el

This essay analyzes the shifts in the Spanish-US relationship between 2002 and 2008. It explains the causes, implications and consequences of these shifts, critically assesses Spanish foreign policy after 2004 and suggests some possibilities to redefine the relationship with the US government in a more constructive way.

This article presents a scientific reflection on the meaning of historical memory in different localities of the east of Chalatenango (in the northcentral zone of El Salvador) and in the north of Morazán, where the political-military conflict developed from the 1970s. The accounts of the current inhabitants of these towns speak about the life of their populations before the conflict, what happened during the armed conflict and the reconstruction of their villages after the Peace Accords. This historical discourse is of great importance to understand the construction of culture in contemporary society and its projection towards future, becoming an ideological foundation for the creation of a new type of society and culture at the beginning of the 21st century. Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 153, 2019: 123-134 ; Este artículo presenta una reflexión científica sobre el sentido de la memoria histórica en diversas localidades del oriente de Chalatenango (en la zona central-norte de El Salvador) y en el norte de Morazán, en donde se desarrolló el conflicto político-militar a partir de la década de 1970. Los relatos de los actuales habitantes de estas localidades hablan sobre la vida de sus poblaciones antes del conflicto, lo que sucedió durante el conflicto armado y la reconstrucción de sus poblados después de los Acuerdos de Paz. Este discurso histórico es de gran trascendencia para entender la construcción de la cultura en la sociedad contemporánea y su proyección hacia el futuro, constituyéndose en fundamento ideológico para la creación de un nuevo tipo de sociedad y de cultura a principios del siglo XXI. Realidad: Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades No. 153, 2019: 123-134

Why should the global community be concerned about climate change? What are the consequences of climate change? How has the clash between science and politics in the United States affected the policy debate about climate change around the world? Why has the United States failed to offer leadership on climate change? What can be done to craft a viable climate change agenda? These questions will guide the discussion below.Why should the global community be concerned about climate change?Climate change is one of the most important policy issues of the twenty-first century. It has potentially devastating consequences for the global environment. It is a transnational challenge that has social, political, and economic implications for the entire international community. During the first ten years of the twenty-first century, we have experienced the warmest years in modern climate history. This same decade has been characterized as one of the warmest on record. Although the scientific community has raised serious concerns about climate change, this global environmental phenomenon has not received the same kind of responsesuch as aPearl Harbor in 1941 or a 9/11 in New York City in 2001 that rallied U.S. citizens and the U.S. government to action.The political conflict over climate change within and between countries, especially in the United States, has demonstrated three important aspects about this issue. First, it shows how the clash between science and politics delays action. Second, it demonstrates how ideology and entrenched economic interests can trump the research findings of the scientific community. Third, it makes clear that rather than offering leadership, the U.S. has assumed the role of a laggard on the issue of climate change.What are the consequences of climate change? We are beyond the point of framing the issue of climate change as a "debate." There is no debate. As we have learned from the scientific community as reflected by the research of the Intergovernmental Panel Climate Change in its 4th (2007) and 5th (2013) reports, climate change is occurring and human activities are a major contributor to the problem, especially the burning of fossil fuels. Global reinsurance companies including Munich Re, Swiss Re, and Lloyds of London have raised serious concerns about the prospects of a warming planet and the impact on the global insurance industry. In the United States, for instance, the consequences of climate change is forcing domestic insurance companies including MetLife, State Farm, Allstate, and American International Group to reconsider their coverage of commercial and residential properties in coastal zones. To be candid and frank, global and nationally-based insurance companies are well aware of the impact of human-induced climate change. A sample of the consequences of climate change can be described as follows.First, carbon dioxide, one of the primary greenhouse gases associated with climate change, has been absorbed into the atmosphere, terrestrial areas, and the oceans. The oceans, in particular, face a serious threat in terms of marine life, the fishing industry, coral reefs, and increased acidification. Second, with the melting of the polar caps, a warming planet is already resulting in rising seas around the globe. For instance, the states on the East and Gulf coasts of the United States are being challenged to establish viable adaption strategies to address rising seas. At the same time, some coastal areas are dealing with the twin threats of rising seas and sinking lands (i.e., subsidence). Moreover, sea level rise is not consistent around the globe, but rather, it is characterized by its variation. In other words, we see differential impacts facing some coastal areas (e.g., Bangladesh) compared to other coastal regions. Third, a warming planet and especially warmer seas will create an environment of more ferocious hurricanes. For instance, scientists at the 2007 International Summit on Global Warming, Climate Change, and Hurricanes were less concerned about the frequency of hurricanes and were increasingly concerned about the destructiveness of Katrina-like tropical cyclones around the globe. Fourth, an increasingly important aspect of this global environmental phenomenon is the impact of climate change on public health. One aspect of this concern involves an increase in water-borne diseases such as malaria and dengue fever due to the warming of the planet.How has the clash between science and politics in the United States affected the policy debate about climate change?The political response of the U.S. to climate change has been influenced bythe conflict taking place between the scientific community and a variety of partisans within the country.On the one hand, from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration, from the Pew Center for Global Climate Change to the Environmental Protection Agency, from the World Meteorological Organization to the vast majority of climate scientists, we have learned that this global environmental phenomenon is clearly due to human actions. On the other hand, a variety of individuals and groups including members of the U.S. Congressto media celebritiesto organized interests (e.g., the fossil fuel industry) have been successful in opposing U.S. action on climate change. For instance, James Inhofe, Republican Senator representing the state of Oklahoma has been at the forefront of opposing federal and state actions in response to climate change. As a matter of fact, where Inhofe went so far as to say that climate change is the "greatest hoax ever perpetrated on the American public,"conservative radio show host, Rush Limbaugh, stated that the "anti-global warmers have to go out there and get their own science to counter the science that the pro-global warming crowd is using, and they're making it up." In short, the clash between science and politics in the U.S. over climate change clearly shows the power of entrenched domestic interests and their impact on policy making.During the 1990s, a variety of industries including fossil fuels, automotive, manufacturing among others created the Global Climate Coalition to oppose efforts to respond to climate change.This coalition eventually collapsed as various industries withdrew from it. Another example of opposition to action on climate change is the Heritage Foundation, a think tank that published articles in opposition to federal action on climate change. It is important to note that underlying the actions of deniers of human-induced climate change has been their position that government regulations imposed on business and industry would be harmful to U.S. jobs and trade competitiveness. The veracity of this concern, however, has yet to be realized. Moreover, this argument set forth by the deniers overlooks the growth in green jobs and the benefits of a clean energy agenda.Why has the United States failed to offer leadership on climate change? Until recently, the United States was the number one producer of the greenhouse gases that contribute to climate change. Notwithstanding China's recent emergence as the largest producer of greenhouse gases, the U.S. remains a key player in greenhouse gas production and it remains a laggard in taking action to reduce greenhouse gases. We now turn our attention to the role of five key players in the U.S. political system.As far as modern U.S. presidents are concerned, where Ronald Reagan ignored the issue of climate change during the 1980s leading up to the Earth Summit in 1992, George H. W. Bush, facing pressure at home, opposed mandatory guidelines and timetables that emerged from the Earth Summit and used his influence to change the requirements to voluntary efforts on the part of industry. Having said this, the fact that Bush signed the climate change treaty lent legitimacy to the issue. Bill Clinton and his environmental Vice President Al Gore attempted to push a climate change agenda but ran into strong opposition from the U.S. Congress. Two months into his presidency, George W. Bush rejected the Kyoto Protocol arguing that it would hurt the U.S. economy and jobs.The U.S. Congress has been a major obstacle in responding to climate change.During the 1990s until the present time, Congressional Republicans held a majority during the administrations of Clinton and Bush, the son, and have controlled the House of Representatives during the Obama administration. Congressional Republicans, along with Democrats representing energy-intensive states, have opposed action on climate change.In a move that surprised many observers of American politics, the Supreme Court,the highest court in the U.S.,ruled in 2007 that the Environmental Protection Action, under the authority of the Clean Air Act, had a responsibility to regulate greenhouse gas emissions to protect public health and the environment. However, the Republican-controlled House of Representatives has usedits resources to thwart action on the part of the EPA to regulate greenhouse gas emissions.One aspect of American politics that has offered hope for a clean energy future has been the importance of federalism where a growing number of states have taken actions alone and in concert with other states to reduce greenhouse gas emissions.Moreover, several coalitions of U.S. states have joined with Canadian provinces in these efforts. In short, numerous states in the U.S. are taking action in response to climate change because of the failure of the U.S. federal government to act.What can be done to craft a viable climate change agenda? Climate change is a transnational, environmental problem that poses serious challenges to the entire international community. The U.S. must join with the developed countries of the EU in an effort to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and work on viable adaption strategies. However, the U.S. will first have to deal with domestic forces at home (e.g., entrenched economic interests and ideological opponents) that exercise power in opposition to federal action on climate change. At the same time, incentives will have to be employed in order to encourage newly modernizing nations (e.g., China, India, Brazil among others) to join with the U.S. and members of the EU to work together to establish a clean energy future. Sobre el autorProfessor of Political ScienceOld Dominion UniversityNorfolk, Virginia USA

This paper aims to critically analyze essential around the impact generated implementation of the bicycle master plan, currently dabbled in the Netherlands, with the partnership of all citizens articulated with the state, reduced the rate mortality of cyclists taking into account the number of users who use this means of transport. It highlights the cooperation of local governments, transportation specialists and users who ensured the permanence of the project and global recognition. ; El presente artículo tiene como propósito esencial realizar un análisis crítico alrededor del impacto que ha generado la implementación del plan maestro de la bicicleta, actualmente incursionado en los países bajos, que con la coparticipación de toda la ciudadanía articulada con el estado, ha reducido el índice de mortandad de los ciclistas, teniendo en cuenta el número de usuarios que utilizan este medio de transporte. Se resalta la cooperación de los gobiernos municipales especialistas en transporte y usuarios que aseguraron la permanencia del proyecto y el reconocimiento mundial.

El propósito de este artículo es estudiar, desde una perspectiva comparada, los procesos de cambio político iniciados tras las revoluciones y protestas populares árabes ocurridas desde diciembre de 2010. Anteriores experiencias nos han mostrado la tendencia de las democracias en emerger en olas. No obstante, nuestra hipótesis es que no podemos generalizar refiriéndonos a una nueva ola de demo-cratización en el Mundo Árabe, sino a una ola de cambio político que implica procesos de diferente naturaleza (instauración democrática, liberalización política, establecimiento de nuevas formas de autoritarismo o meras reformas cosméticas de los regímenes autoritarios). En primer lugar, el artículo comienza enmarcando las dinámicas actuales en el norte de África y de Oriente Próximo dentro de una quinta ola de cambio político. En segundo lugar, se estudian los modelos de cambio político, teniendo en cuenta su origen, el procedimiento seguido y los procesos políticos que se están llevando a cabo. En tercer lugar, se examinan estos procesos, prestando atención a las transformaciones en los sistemas de partido, las reformas constitucionales emprendidas y las elecciones celebradas. Finalmente, se evalúa si se ha producido un cambio en la naturaleza de los regímenes árabes. La conclusión principal es que, en los países que se iniciaron procesos de transición hacia la democracia, en alguno ha fracasado (Egipto), y en otros aún no está claro que se vaya a llegar a un régimen democrático (Túnez, Libia y Yemen). Por otro lado, en el resto de países árabes en los que han tenido lugar reformas políticas, no podemos hablar de cambio de régimen ya que continúan siendo regímenes autoritarios. ; From a comparative perspective, this paper studies political change processes that followed the Arab protests and revolutions since December 2010. Previous experiences show the tendency of democracies to appear in waves. However, we hypothesise that we are not facing a new wave of democratisation in the Arab World, but a wave of political change that comprises several different processes (democratization, political liberalisation, new forms of authoritarianism or cosmetic reforms of authoritarian regimes). Firstly, we frame current dynamics in North Africa and the Middle East into a fifth wave of political change. Secondly, we study political change models and consider their origins, proceedings and current political processes. Thirdly, we examine these processes, paying especial attention to changes in party systems, constitutional reforms and elections. Finally, we evaluate if a change in the nature of Arab regimes has taken place. Our main conclusion is that in countries that have started a transition towards democracy, a resulting democratic regime is unclear (Tunisia, Libya and Yemen) or the democratic transition has failed (Egypt). In addition, the remaining Arab countries with political reforms have not registered a real change in their regimes, which remain authoritarian.

Con un enfoque diferente e innovador para organizar y gestionar el Estado, el autor ofrece planteamientos que buscan la calidad de la gestión pública y descubre las debilidades del sistema

Ever thoughtful, Alejandro Serrano addresses the significant changes needed in Nicaragua to improve the current reality, which is characterized by fragmentation and power-grabbing. These factors have caused a cycle of crises throughout the bloody history of our country. He puts forward the ideals of political compromise as a participatory process with three areas of focus: institutional policies, socioeconomic factors, and education. The ultimate goal is to enact a plan for the country based on a change in our political culture. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/cultura.v18i58.1039 Cultura de Paz • Año XVIII • N° 58 • Septiembre - Diciembre 2012 P / 4-10 ; El pensador Alejandro Serrano, aborda los cambios sustantivos que Nicaragua necesita para superar la realidad actual, caracterizada por la fragmentación y la concentración del poder, factores que han determinado las crisis cíclicas de una historia ensangrentada de nuestro país. Plantea la concertación como un proceso participativo, en torno a 3 ejes: política institucional, económico-social y educativo, en función de avanzar a un plan de país, base para un cambio en nuestra cultura política. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5377/cultura.v18i58.1039 Cultura de Paz • Año XVIII • N° 58 • Septiembre - Diciembre 2012 P / 4-10

Este trabajo se propone caracterizar las variaciones en el diseño de la psicología, considerando sus debates teóricos y académicos; sus instituciones aplicadas, los indicios de formación profesional sistemática y las publicaciones periódicas. Se analizarán dichas variaciones según los cambios políticos y económicos acontecidos en la Argentina, desde 1900 a 1957, fecha en que la formación en psicología adquiere su inscripción universitaria en la Universidad de Buenos Aires. La peculiar inestabilidad del paisaje político, social y económico impone constantes reorientaciones a las diversas propuestas respecto del comportamiento político social y económico del actor- sujeto. Esta concepción de sujeto en sociedad, el modelo de integración económica y de participación política, lejos de permanecer ajeno, afecta profundamente el diseño de la psicología. Se aprecia un cambio en sus discursos y sus prácticas que siguen dócilmente las distintas orientaciones en la concepción de sujeto como agente político y social, según se trate de una democracia ampliada o restringida. ; This paper has the purpose of characterizing the narrations in the design of Psychology considering his theoretical and academicals debates; his applied institutions, the indications of systematic professional formation and the periodical publcations. Such narrations will be analized according to the political and economic changes that took place in Argentine, since 1900 to 1957, when the formation in psychology gets his universitary inscription in Buenos Aires University. The peculiar instability of the political, social and economic situation imposes constant reorientations to the different propositions connected to the political, social and economic behavior of the actor-subject. This conception of the subject in society, the model of the economic integration and the political participation, far fron remaining remote, deeply affects the psychology design. A change is appreciated in his lectures and his practices easily follow the different orientations in the conception of the subject as a political and social agent according to an extended or to a restricted democracy.