U ovom se članku govori o političkome kontekstu i pravnome okviru za uspostavu suvereniteta Republike Hrvatske te se ukazuje na legalnost vojno-redarstvenih akcija s obzirom na odredbe tuzemnoga i međunarodnoga prava. Riječ je i o političkome i pravnome okviru u kojemu su nastale srpske autonomne oblasti, odnosno paradržavna tvorevina Republika Srpska Krajina na državnome teritoriju Republike Hrvatske. ; This paper speaks about political context and legal framework for establishing sovereignty of the Republic of Croatia. It points out legality of military-police actions with regard to provisions of domestic and international law. The subject is also political and legal framework in which Serbian autonomous territories were established or parastate creation Republic of Serbian Krajina in the state territory of the Republic of Croatia.
Autori ove knjige kroz niz eseja, koji se kreću panoramom putopisa, stripa, filma i politike, miješaju žanrove pisanja, istraživačke discipline i sadržaje u kojima elokventno razotkrivaju balkanističku potku te fokus prebacuju na mehanizam kojim je balkanistički diskurs ukotvljen u samim balkanskim kulturama. Otkrivat će se tako zašto je Corto Maltese strip junak bez domovine, kako se metaforizira Balkan ili na koje načine imperijalni ženski subjekt u pokušaju vlastite emancipacije stvara nove oblike podređenosti. dr. sc. Tomislav Pletenac Na nov i produktivan način autori spajaju analitičku optiku kulturne antropologije, književne antropologije, feminističke i postkolonijalne kritike te studije medija.
In analyzing regional economic integration in Europe the authors pay special attention to the development in the European Union, for other forms of regional or subregional integration at the continent are in fact mostly transitional & provisional, & directly connected with ED. The authors argue that in spite of considerable success & high level of integration of the EU, several important open issues remain in that process. They are results of mixed character of European integration: political & economic. Too many kinds of interests are of opposed character, & it is very hard to harmonize them in real politics. The main problems in the EU have their cause in the nature of European integration: international competitiveness of European economy, social character of European states, national productivity, challenges of enlargement. References. Adapted from the source document.
The author outlines some of the major issues in Hannah Arendt's political thought significant for her understanding of the political. The pivotal point of Hannah Arendt's political thought is her renowned analysis of totalitarianism in which she demonstrates the originality of totalitarian governance & its radically antipolitical character. Using the work of Margaret Canovan as his starting point, the author gives an account of the critique of Marx & the tradition of political philosophy by Hannah Arendt in her research of totalitarianism. This criticism is based on the distinction among three human activities: labor, work, & action. By pointing out the nonpolitical character of labor & work, Arendt draws her fundamental political categories from action by means of which people confirm the plural character of their existence. In modern times, Arendt finds the genuinely political only in the short-lived episodes of revolutionary fervor during which some room is created for the free action of the individuals committed to the promotion of the "public cause." Particularly important in her political thought is the theory of the power of judgment as a link between thinking & action. Using Kant as her starting point, Arendt draws the power of judgment from the realm of the aesthetic & turns it into the key element of political action. In his conclusion, the author looks into the separation of the political from the state that Arendt is forced to make because of her own exigent concept of political freedom. Arendt embraces republican elitism that cannot be completely reconciled with the democratic elements of her political thought. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.
Leaving aside Hobbes's ideological preferences in the conflict regarding the structure of the English political body in the 17th century, the text deals with the way in which democracy is valued in his key theoretical-political works. The author does this on two levels: first, he examines the status of democracy within the framework of Hobbes's doctrine of state forms. In spite of some of its shortcomings, in none of the three variants of his science of politics does Hobbes deem that there is a rational justification for discarding democracy as one of three equally ranked forms of state. Second, the author inquires into the more general thesis of the democratic character of Hobbes's understanding of the state regardless of its form. Various elements of Hobbes's science of politics are thereby taken into account: legal equality of parties to the social contract, their status as authors of sovereign power, their freedom as subjects and the duties of the sovereign. The analysis thereof points to the necessity of a differentiated answer to the question regarding the democratic character of Hobbes's theory of state. Adapted from the source document.
There are varied institutional forms (formal and informal) in which electoral (political) subjects take part in elections. Elections for assemblies show that the actions of such subjects are differently motivated, and also that their approach during conflict or cooperation in the realization of their wishes is different. Thus conflict situations, »election scandals«, occur sporadically. Such conflicts are an expression and a result of contradictory desires and actions of the participants. The significance and effect of an electoral conflict is conditioned and determined by the (political) significance of the elections themselves, not only in the sense that they are formally one of the basic constitutive elements of the political system, but first and foremost because they are the form in which citizens are active in politics. Following the procedure in election the author has tried to reveal the basic actors in electoral conflicts, the content of their conflict and the form it takes. In the author's opinion it is wrong to pass an a priori judgement of the character and value of electoral »cases« (negative judgements have usually been passed), the foundation of the conflict and the character and orientation of the persons involved, who do not seek for affirmation of their political value in the strength of arguments and objective achievement. We can understand and solve the ambivalent character of such conflicts, and the political behavior of their participants, only after studying the case. There will be a smaller number of »cases« and electoral conflicts, and they will be less complicated, the more consistently we free ourselves from varied formal-legal and political restraints, and the more society takes on the characteristics of self-managing and democratic socialism. Conflicts of this type are not the result of democracy. They are the result of its insufficient development or presence, thus making it subject to misunderstanding, searching and abuse.
This paper analyzes the grounds, origins, & manifestations of ethnic conflict in the area of former Yugoslavia on the basis of current psychological thought. Deriving from Allport' s "theory of prejudice," we outline the historic grounds, sociocultural diversity, & specific character of the particular social & political situation. Trying to find an answer to the crucial question of what is to be done, we distinguish between the four stages of conflict -- latency, manifestation, actualization, & consolidation -- as well as the three lines of action -- institutional solutions, influence of the mass media, & the process of political socialization. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.
This paper analyzes the grounds, origins, & manifestations of ethnic conflict in the area of former Yugoslavia on the basis of current psychological thought. Deriving from Allport' s "theory of prejudice," we outline the historic grounds, sociocultural diversity, & specific character of the particular social & political situation. Trying to find an answer to the crucial question of what is to be done, we distinguish between the four stages of conflict -- latency, manifestation, actualization, & consolidation -- as well as the three lines of action -- institutional solutions, influence of the mass media, & the process of political socialization. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.
In the processes of democratic transition in Central & Eastern Europe, parliaments play an important role. The author examines the problems of functioning of the Croatian Sabor in the period 1990-1993. In particular, he analyzes the changes of the constitutional structure of the Sabor, the development of the postsocialist parliamentary party system, the main problems of constitutional transformation, & the policy agenda of legislation. He demonstrates that a weaker role played by the parliament in Croatia results from the imbalanced party system & unstructured character of the ruling party, a strong presidential institution, & the consequences of a deep ethnic cleavage between Croats & Serbs in Croatia. Adapted from the source document.
Critical reception welcomed Lidija Dimkovskaʾs novel A Spare Life (2012) as an allegory of political and social events in ex-Yugoslavia in the last decades of the twentieth century. The essay sets aside the allegorical perspective of the novel and focuses on the analysis of the state of exile as a key point of identification of the novel's main character, conjoined twin Zlata. The analysis is based on the concepts of desire, otherness and fear of the unknown through which main characters (mostly women) of the novel are represented, as well as on manners of their internalization of socially promoted standards and stereotypes from the perspective of Julia Kristeva's theory of oneself as a stranger.
This works examines the concept of boundary through the prism of postmodern geopolitics. Through an analysis of theses by eminent authors in this field, the author aims at a synthetic representation and evaluation of the complexity of the globalisation phenomenon, and of the consequences that can be caused by deterritorialisation in the postmodern contextualisation of boundaries and space. Some premature theses regarding the "end of geography" or the states' loss of power in the contemporary world, have promptly been countered by well-founded criticism of the scientific community. The central section of the work inquires into the character of deterritorialisation, and analyses the traps inherent to contemporary research of territory and the geopolitical characteristics thereof. Adapted from the source document.
The author looks into the meaning of law in Kant's practical philosophy for the constitution of a political community. First, he defines the specific character of modern knowledge by referring to Heidegger & Fink & how this knowledge is reflected in Kant's philosophy of morality & law. Then he goes on to define the external legislation & list its applications. After the author has defined Kant's concept of law, he shows how freedom & its security -- not happiness, well-being, or interest -- are central to Kant's political philosophy. Freedom becomes the foundation of all activities & laws, & freedom can only be based on law & not morality. Thus, individual freedom is possible solely within a law-abiding community. Adapted from the source document.
Članak se bavi karakterom i zastupljenošću etničkoga diskursa u srbijanskim opozicijskim glasilima Demokratija i Srpska reč u periodu 1990./1991. Jedno od pitanja koje razmatra ovaj rad odnosi se na preispitivanje teze o nepostojanju relevantne političke alternative tzv. nacionalnom programu Slobodana Miloševića i njegove političke partije u Srbiji u predvečerje raspada Jugoslavije. ; A statistical analysis of the presence of ethnic discourse (ED) and its subcategory, discourse of ethnic intolerance (DEI), in the party organs Demokratija and Srpska reč shows the indisputably different political character and physiognomy of these two papers. Namely, the average presence of ED in the Srpska reč in the period from June 1990 to June 1991 was four times higher, and the prevalence of DEI ten times higher, than in the Demokratija. In addition to the varying prevalence and character of their ED content, these two organs were fundamentally different as regards the character of their remaining contents. In the Serbian Renewal Movement's organ, the predominant part of the remaining discourse consisted of revisionist serials and essays dedicated to promoting the Chetnik Movement. These texts made up as much as half of the contents of individual issues of the monthly Srpska reč. Putting together all the pro-Chetnik contents and the ED contents of the Srpska reč, we can conclude that, on average, over 60 percent of each issue's contents were exceptionally irrational, conservative, and nationalist. On the other hand, after its first few issues, the Demokratija preserved an ethic of responsibility and a critical stance towards the social reality and political situation in the country. After these first few issues, the ethnic discourse in this organ was present only as a precedent and derailment, and was not a commonplace of political rhetoric, unlike in the case of the Srpska reč. The leadership of the Democratic Party certainly played a role in setting up these standards of civil discourse in this organ but, paradoxically, it often also took responsibility for sharpening the 'national' line of reasoning within the frame of (forced) political pragmatism. Đinđić's or Mićunovićev's ethnic discourse from August 1990 and May 1991 was not supported by a corresponding change in the physiognomy of the paper, which remained predominantly rational, critically oriented, civil, and socially responsible. The analytical verification of facts in this paper certainly supports the thesis of Dubravka Stojanović from 1996 that there was no alternative to this programme in Serbia, at least not within the frame of these two most relevant opposition parties. Furthermore, this paper indicates that, in the summer and autumn of 1990 and in May 1991, the rhetoric of the party leaders of the Serbian Renewal Movement and Democratic Party attempted to be—and often was—more belligerent than Milošević's. As regards almost all questions of the internal order of Yugoslavia, and especially regarding the status of the autonomy of Kosovo and the regulation of the position of Serbian people outside Serbia, the solutions advocated by the opposition were more radical than the ones advocated by Slobodan Milošević's regime.
The subject of this article are the events which took place in Yugoslavia in the 1970s, viewed primarily in terms of the scope and character of Montenegro's part in the process. It aims to point out some elements and moments as may help clarify, first, why that particular decade (1960-1970) is considered especially important in the history of the Yugoslav "socialist experiment" and why it is justified to refer to it as some sort of its "spring"; second, in what way -- i.e., through what ideas and political activities -- Montenegro participated therein; and, third, whether there is any substance to the assumption that the "communist discourse" of the time may have caused the events in the Montenegrin society and state to take the course which, several decades later, would bring forth a new "breath of spring". Adapted from the source document.
The article considers the significance of the commitment of the state & its factors & forces in preventing the perpetrators of terrorism to manifest themselves in a violent way. The author takes as a starting point the fact that terrorist collectivities make great efforts to take their primary victim (state) by surprise. The response of the state should result in the efficient protection from this danger. The author considers subjective & objective limitations the anti-terrorist forces of the state are facing in the protection of the state from the terrorist surprise. This, among other things, results in porosity of the anti-terrorist prevention in some of its aspects. The volume & character of possible detrimental effects on the security of the state for the occasional porosity of the anti-terrorist prevention is treated within a separate chapter. Figures, References. Adapted from the source document.
