Suchergebnisse

Relationship between European Union & The People's Republic of China declared in 2003 as the "strategic partnership" attracts attention as a new & remarkable phenomenon within post-bipolar international framework. This article reviews essentials & motives of both partners' mutual & deepening relations by pointing at their growing economic interdependence, upgrading political relations, & further developing their cultural, science & technology, academic, environmental etc. cooperation. However, while critically analyzing EU-China basic agenda of the strategic partnership & its real outcomes, this article points at poor Chinese human rights record, persistence of EU arms embargo, mutual trade disputes, Chinese failure at obtaining the EU's Market Economy Status, as well as insufficient intellectual property & trade mark protection in China. This study concludes with finding an attaining the real EU-China strategic partnership questionable, considering that as a mere term of official-level politeness, lacking behind expectations & potential. Adapted from the source document.

This study deals with the issue of development relations between China and Africa in the context of the Beijing concensus. It attempts to provide an analysis of Chinese foreign policy since the beginning of the 90's. The text is divided into three basic parts. The first contains discussion on the theories of development, including the main features of the (post)Washington concensus based on liberalism, decentralization and privatization, followed by the Beijing concensus representing the counter-paradigm. The second focuses on the historical roots of bilateral relations since the beginning of the 20th century until the end of the Cold War. TAZARA, the Tanzania-Zambia railway built by China is chosen as the most representative example of Chinese foreign policy during the Cold War period. The last part deals with current relations influenced by Chinese oil diplomacy and the so-called one-China policy. Sudan and Angola are chosen as significant examples of African states in which China is involved. Adapted from the source document.

The Central Asian region is often interpreted in European discourse as an arena of clashes between the "West" & Russia, particularly over energy resources. The significance of China in the region remains an underrated subject of research. At the same time China is expanding its influence in the region through "soft diplomacy" at the expense of Russia & (above all) other powers interested in local resources. The article analyses the Chinese presence in the region since 1991, emphasizing the first decade he Central of the 2111 century. The relations between Central Asia & China are researched from the Asian point of view & with a focus on the political, economical (stressing energy factors) & institutional (Shanghai Cooperation Organization) level. In sum, it seems that the growing Chinese influence over the region has its limits as well & that the "Chinese expansion" is overestimated to a large extent. Adapted from the source document.

This article discusses the growing role of China in UN peacekeeping operations since 1989. First, the reasons for the non-engagement of China after its admission to the UN and its Security Council in 1971 are described to stress the difference of the Chinese behavior after the end of the Cold War. Second, the increasing Chinese activity in UN peacekeeping is shown by describing China's gradually changing behavior in three areas: voting in the Security Council, personnel contributions to peacekeeping operations and financial contributions to the UN peacekeeping budget. In the end, the article suggests that China's growing role in UN PKO could be understood as an important part of China's peaceful rise policy. Adapted from the source document.

A comprehensive description of just causes for entering a war within the fundamental sources of early Confucian tradition represents the core of the article. The analysis seeks to underline the significant role of the just war theory in contemporary international politics. The article also highlights the rise of the economic, political and military power of China and emphasizes that the country has the potential to play an increasingly important role in world politics over the next few decades. Thus it is necessary to examine the way China is looking at issues of war and ethics. Since there has been evidence uncovered that Confucianism has started to gain influence in Chinese society again, it seems fully acceptable to analyse just war from a Confucian perspective. The main focus of the research is put on exploring works of the founders of Confucianism, particularly the texts of Confucius and Mencius. The analysis of these works uncovers that the main ethical principles of early Confucian teaching allow for various specific reasons for entering a war. Then in the conclusion there is a list of five different types of conflicts that can be assessed as justifiable under certain conditions in Confucian thought. Adapted from the source document.

The research of the relationship between conflicts and natural resources has been dominated by an understanding of natural resources as a cause of conflicts, and the term "conflict resources" has been used in connection with this. Here I offer another approach and present the hypothesis that a lack of environmental resources (environmental resources and raw materials are together understood as natural resources) and environmental degradation can offer a peace-building opportunity. I argue that environmental resources are not transportable, extractable or lootable, which decreases their market significance. At the same time, the conflict-prone communities are aware that non-tradeable goods play a vital role in their life and the quality of the goods depends on the collaboration among all the actors in the region. This situation results in so-called "environmental interdependence". Environmental interdependence works as an impulse for cooperation across the cleavage lines. The hypothesis is tested on two case studies -- that of the relationship between Israel and Palestine and that of the relations between mainland China and Taiwan. Adapted from the source document.

The article compares the foreign energy strategies of the EU and the PRC on the African continent within the context of the efforts of ensuring the diversifiction of the supply of fossil fuels. Both actors are connecting some sets of values to their strategies, and these values are integral to their perception of the international environment. The main purpose of the article is to compare these strategies, especially in the context of the values that are connected with them -- e.g. state sovereignty, human rights, and social responsibility -- and the impact of these values on the form of the energetic strategies. While the EU urges normative values such as democratic government, human rights and quality public domain management, the PRC adheres to the values of non-interference, state sovereignty and, last but not least, the principle of "One China". Despite the fact that, rhetorically, the two actors share some of the same principles, they are applied differently by each actor due to the actors' diametrically different understandings of these principles. In addition to that, it is necessary to lay emphasis on the difference between the official and the actual strategies of both actors. Adapted from the source document.

With the outbreak of famine in the mid-1990s, the DPRK has become a recipient of humanitarian assistance. Immediately after the inception of aid flows, an extensive diversification of donors arose. The most important donor duo was the Republic of Korea and the USA. Japan, Russia, and the European Union all had important roles in the matter, and Switzerland had a very specific role in it. Meanwhile, the Chinese assistance obtained an entirely unique position. There was a temporary suspension of China's assistance in the mid-1990s, but then it started again, and today, China is the DPRK's patron. The aim of this article is to provide a comparison of the donors' strategies and to outline the main trends of the assistance to the DPRK in the framework of the period of 1995-2012. The strategies of donorship have divergent tendencies, and in most of the cases, the donors preferred to make a strong effort to reach their political goals in the DPRK while providing humanitarian aid to it. Adapted from the source document.

The presented analysis deals with the issue area of missile defense (MD) from the perspective of strategic studies. There are several objectives set for the text, & these in turn shape its structure. First, the analysis investigates the relationship between deterrence & MD. It debunks the myth claiming that the former is replaced by the latter; instead, their juxtaposition is acknowledged & demonstrated. This is made possible by a nuanced discussion of deterrence that goes beyond its flawed identification with the MAD logic. Subsequently, the Third Pillar of the US MD project is examined. It is investigated both within a wider discussion of bilateral US-Russian relations & in the context of the accompanying multilateral processes in NATO. The last tackled issue is a future link between the Third Site & the Sino-US strategic dynamics. The argument is summarized in the conclusion. Adapted from the source document.

The discussion of the energy security of Europe is focused mainly on Russia. However, Russia -- Central Asia energy relations became very important in Eurasia after the dissolution of the USSR. While its reserves of strategic raw materials (especially gas) are not comparable with those in Russia, Central Asia could be an additional source for supplying these raw materials to Europe. Europe should be involved in "The Great Game" for Central Asian gas. The significance of Central Asia regarding the increasing demand for gas in Europe cannot be overestimated. On the other hand, due to the growing interest of China & other Asian powers in Central Asia, maintaining a local gas pipeline network which would move gas in the direction of Europe (rather than in the direction of other Asian countries) should be a priority for both European countries & Russia. The rivalry between Russian & non-Russian pipeline projects for delivering gas is secondary in this context. Adapted from the source document.

Among the most important factors influencing the pre-war (not only Transatlantic) debate on Iraq were the close economic ties between Saddam Hussein's regime & those countries opposing military action against it. The most notable aspect of these links was the extensive arms trade. Analysis of Iraq's arms programs reveals that the most resolute opponents of military action against the Iraqi regime were those most extensively involved in arms deals with Iraq -- supplying Iraq with both weapons & weapons technologies. The Iraqi nuclear program received significant assistance from French & German firms. German firms were also among those helping Iraq with their chemical weapons programs. SCUD missiles -- key carriers for weapons of mass destruction -- were supplied by the USSR (later Russia), & their further refinement was mainly due to contributions by German experts. The main suppliers of conventional weapons to Iraq under Saddam Hussein were the USSR (later Russia), France, China, Czechoslovakia & Poland. Compared to this, the role played by the USA & United Kingdom in Iraq's arms programs (both for conventional weapons & weapons of mass destruction) was insignificant. Adapted from the source document.

Nach der einleitenden allgemeinen Charakteristik der gegenwärtigen wirtschaftlichen und politischen Lage Japans werden Grundelemente der japanischen Außenpolitik gegenüber dem asiatisch-pazifischen Raum analysiert. Die Aufmerksamkeit gilt dabei insbesondere den ökonomischen und den militärischen Aspekten dieser Politik. Im weitern wird nacheinander die japanische Außenpolitik gegenüber den USA, der Russischen Föderation, den ASEAN-Staaten, der Chinesischen Volksrepublik, der Korea-Halbinsel und schließlich den übrigen asiatischen Ländern erörtert. (BIOst-Hrs)