This paper looks at how Indonesia contributes to the creation of a relatively peaceful and stable Southeast Asian region after the Cold War. It examines Jakarta's diplomacy in the South China Sea, and explains its implications for the making of the regional order. The argument is that Indonesia's impact on regional security has been apparent in its attention to the improvement of rule-based interaction among states in the region. However, recent developments have demonstrated that Indonesia's initiatives, formulated in the Indo-Pacific Cooperation Concept, are unsuccessful due to the lack of support from other ASEAN states. This paper shows that great powers politics in the troubled waters has hindered the advancement of Indonesian's orderdriven policy.
Russia's engagement in Eurasian integration highlights the challenges that Russia faces in Asia. Russia needs to re-establish political and economic influence in the region to maintain her eastward-focused integration drive, including building a southeastwards bridge to China and Asia Pacific. In this context, the cooperative nature of Russian policies is the conditio sine qua non for the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. This article examines Russia's integration policy in relation to Central Asia and beyond, towards Asia as a continent. Regional integration is very much a popular idea, with the potential for economic benefits and increased international influence. Significant steps were taken towards the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. However, to implement its regional initiatives and to become a more visible player in the regional multilateral institutions, Russia will have to overcome both domestic and international limitations it faces. Russia's current alienation from the West and its growing dependency on China may push the country to actively seek better ways to accomplish this mission. ; Russia's engagement in Eurasian integration highlights the challenges that Russia faces in Asia. Russia needs to re-establish political and economic influence in the region to maintain her eastward-focused integration drive, including building a southeastwards bridge to China and Asia Pacific. In this context, the cooperative nature of Russian policies is the conditio sine qua non for the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. This article examines Russia's integration policy in relation to Central Asia and beyond, towards Asia as a continent. Regional integration is very much a popular idea, with the potential for economic benefits and increased international influence. Significant steps were taken towards the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. However, to implement its regional initiatives and to become a more visible player in the regional multilateral institutions, Russia will have to overcome both domestic and international limitations it faces. Russia's current alienation from the West and its growing dependency on China may push the country to actively seek better ways to accomplish this mission.
Russia's engagement in Eurasian integration highlights the challenges that Russia faces in Asia. Russia need to re-establish political and economic influence in the region to maintain her eastward-focused integration drive, including building a southeastwards bridge to China and Asia Pacific. In this context, the cooperative nature of Russian policies is the conditio sine qua non for the establishment of the Eurasian Economic Union in 2015. This article examines Russia's integration policy in relation to Central Asia and beyond, towards Asia as continent. Regional integration is very much a popular idea, with the potential for economic benefits and increased international influence. Significant steps have been taken towards the creation of the Eurasian Economic Union. However, to implement its regional initiatives and to become a more visible player in the regional multilateral institutions, Russia will have to overcome both the domestic and international limitations it faces. Russia's current alienation from the West and its growing dependency on China may well finally push it into more actively finding better ways of fullfilling this mission.
The Asia-Pacific region is a very strategic region for cooperation in the economic and security fields. This makes this region very contested by the two countries of hegemony in the economic field, namely, China and the United States. To achieve these interests, China and the United States must contribute to the region, one of which is conducting Institutional balancing with institutions that are quite influential in the Asia-Pacific region such as the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), ASEAN Plus Three (APT), East Asia Summit (EAS). And this paper willdiscusswhy the United States changed its foreign policy from theMiddle East to Asia-Pacificregion. The dynamic of the regionshows thatChina plays an important role along with its national capability improvement. The increase in China's national capability is seen as a challenge to national interests, as well as security for the United States alliance states in the Asia-Pacific region. Using an analytical framework based on the Balance of Threat theory, the authorconcludes that there is a strong relation betweenChina's national capability improvements with the implementation of US rebalancing strategy to the Asia-Pacific region.
Recently the impact of climate change has been an increasingly important policy issue to the Indonesian government. It makes serious programs to support the global climate change mitigation action. This article is aimed at analyzing the application of Indonesia's climate change policy. The focus is on crucial problems that constrain its effectiveness both at international and domestic levels. The discussions indicate that Indonesia's multilateral diplomacy to protect the environment is affected by the rise of global power politics as the consequence of the contestation between China and the United States. Meanwhile, internal actions are hindered by the complex social, economic, and cultural barriers. The efficacy of the policy is considerably weakened. To conclude, however, this author tries to offer some potential solutions for strategic planning and policy improvement.
The purpose of this study is to investigate the association between political connections and overinvestment in Indonesia as a democratic, multi-party and developing country. This study uses sample of 1,044 and 543 firm-year observations from listed firms on the Indonesian Stock Exchange from 2012 to 2017. A two-stage model is used to address overinvestment, which used two different measurements, then continued by ordinary least square regression to establish the main analysis result. This study finds that political connection is negatively associated with overinvestment in Indonesia. We also find that this negative association is increasing due to the existence of governance mechanism from both external and internal parties of the firm. Our results indicate that the significant negative associations between political connections with overinvestment, which later is strengthen by governance mechanism might be caused by several differences in institutional setting and/or political connections benefits between the previous research in China and with the place where this research is taken. This paper could give insights in decision-making for stakeholders to anticipate certain harmful issues to the companies that might be occurred by their politically connected top management like directors and commissioners.
This article analyzed the opportunities and challenges of Indonesia maritime diplomacy in the context of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA). As part of the effort to realize the policy of global maritime fulcrum, Indonesia utilizes maritime diplomacy to look for the close cooperation and agreements with IORA member countries. Up to date, Indonesian foreign policy, specifically in the maritime field is tending to be more dominant to the Pacific Ocean rather than the Indian Ocean. Thus, this paper will explain how Indonesia implements its maritime diplomacy within IORA, and what the opportunities and challenges faced by Indonesia inside the association. Using the method of literature study, this descriptive paper uses the concept of maritime diplomacy and global maritime fulcrum in order to explain the study. This paper argues that IORA's strategic policy in maritime security and economic policies, links with Indonesia policy in global maritime fulcrum. Thus, Indonesia uses maritime diplomacy to take the advantages and opportunities to enhance maritime connectivity and cooperation with IORA members. Nevertheless, several issues challenge Indonesia like the increasing of great power states maritime influence such as India and China in the Indian Ocean, as well as challenges in integrating IORA member states.
In the life of having state, there are opportunities for cooperation to be carried out to achieve the goals that the country wants. Like human life that forms relationships with other humans as humans should be social beings. Some countries collaborate in one forum to clarify their goals and intentions. Likewise with ASEAN, standing as an organization of one regional region namely Southeast Asia, ASEAN will always face new challenges. The role of ASEAN is to find and prepare a solution. Sometimes, this collaboration must be extended to achieve greater goals according to what ASEAN wants. One of these collaborations is to add other countries such as China, Japan and Korea or more familiarly called ASEAN + 3. Of course, there is a program launched by this collaboration that hope will has an impact on ASEAN + 3 countries. This paper trying to discuss the actions that have been planned or carried out by ASEAN + 3 and see the extent of the effectiveness of this cooperation. ASEAN + 3 has brought wind of hope for their member countries without forgetting the fact that other impacts have caused it. Research from this paper is based on literature sources and looks at the facts as one of the ASEAN + 3 member countries. This paper concludes a number of programs planned by ASEAN + 3 and the extent to which they have been effective. In addition, this paper discusses what impacts ASEAN + 3 will have in the future.
By : Nanda UlzannaAdvisor : Dr. Evi Susanti Tasri SE. M.Si Kasman Karimi SE. M.Si SUMMARY Soybean is one of the primary commodities that are widely needed as inputs to produce secondary commodities, such as; soy milk, tempeh, tofu, soy flour and others. In connection with this, soybeans have a very important role in the economy in Indonesia. The availability of soybean in the input market, lately is very likely to experience problems because of insufficient availability for the needs of the community.Currently, Indonesia is the sixth largest producer of soybeans in the world after the United States, Brazil, Argentina, China and India. However, domestic soybean production has not been able to meet the growing domestic demand from time to time well beyond the increase in domestic production. To be sufficient, the government imports. With the problem of soybean raw materials, the Government of Indonesia needs to protect the soybean farmers by one of the ways is the tariff policy which is the mechanism of market protection from the threat of import of cheap soybean import.The method used in this research is multiple linear regression analysis that aims to see the influence and relationship between dependent variable with independent variable. The data used are secondary data from 1990-2015.The result of analysis shows that gross domestic product is positive and significant to the value of soybean import in Indonesia. The result of the analysis shows that the exchange rate is positive and not significant to the value of soybean import in Indonesia. The result of the analysis shows that international price is negatively and insignificant to the value of soybean import in Indonesia. The result of the analysis shows that soybean production has positive and significant effect to the value of soybean import in Indonesia. Keywords: Import Value of Soybean in Indonesia, Gross Domestic Product, Exchange Rate, International Price, Soybean Production in Indonesia.
Smoking is one of the addictive substances that when used cause harm to the health of individuals. Indonesia is the third country with the largest number of smokers in the world after China and India. The increase in cigarette consumption has an impact on the higher burden of diseases caused by smoking and the increase in the death rate from smoking. One effort to reduce exposure to cigarette smoke, Medan City Government issued a Regional Regulation of Medan City Number 3 of 2014 concerning Non-Smoking Areas. The research problem is how the Analysis of the Effect of Communication,Attitudes and Environment on the Implementation of Non-Smoking Area Policy in Raksana High School Medan. This study aims to determine the implementation of the Non-Smoking Area Policy at the school. The purpose of this study is how to analyze the relationship of communication, attitudes and environment towards the implementation of the No Smoking Area policy in Raksana Medan High School in 2018. This type of research is a cross-sectional survey with an explanatory research method approach. The research data was obtained from the results of giving questionnaires and documentation. Data analysis using SPSS data analysis.The research used cross-sectional survey with an explanatory research method approach method. The data were gathered by conducting questionnaire, observation, and documentation and analyzed by using interactive data analysis by SPSS. The results showed a significant relationship between the influence of communication on the implementation of non-smokeless regional policies in SMA Raksana Medan with p value = 0.01,there was a significant relationship between the influence of attitudes towards the implementation of non-smokeless area policy in SMA Raksana Medan with p value = 0.02 and there is a significant relationship between the influence of the environment on the implementation of non-smoking area policy in SMA Raksana Medan with p value = 0.001. So that the Implementation of the No Smoking Area Policy in SMA Raksana Medan has not run optimally. The conclusion was that the implementation of the policy on KTR would not run well if there were some obstacles such as communication,attitude and environment. It is recommended that personnel and budget be added, socialization medium be provided through promotion video and health promotion regularly about KTR and strict sanction. Keywords : Communication, Attitude, Environment, Policy, No Smoking Area
The issues of Papua (Both Papua and West Papua Provinces) have been reached by international communities even though the government regulation; Law of the Republic of Indonesia Number 21, Year 2001, concerning Special Autonomy for Papua Province becoming a central issue as a problem solving to make a special treat for people in Papua internally. Whereas, the regulation is expected to make people in Papua develop political, economic, and cultural also resolving the insurgency problems among them. The arrangements of social and political, economy and budget are as a special treatment, only develop economy and infrastructure but it does not solve the conflicts until today. In this case, the Counterinsurgency (COIN) strategic model needs to be implemented following the appropriateness of national policy and the condition in Papua. This research used a content analysis method to reveal the causes of an un-optimal policy in solving the insurgency. Based on the four elements of COIN, only two elements exist; community and state elements. While the international community element and private sectors do not appear on the special autonomy legislation for Papua. As a reason, the COIN model appropriates with the condition of the people that include some elements; government, local community, the non-state, international community, and private sectors. Comparing to the United States of America (USA) model where the community is not included in the COIN element since the community as an object. On the other hand, it is different from China where military and political parties as important elements since the government decisions are supported by military force to solve the insurgency problem. This research found that civil and military cooperation in the model of COIN Papua after special autonomy is reflected by the existence of Local Government Leaders Communication Forum of Papua to face all situations that happened in Papua, both in security and emergency. Active coordination among governors, local legislators, Adat communities (customary), police, and army for COIN strategy needs special coordination to global communities openly that affect opinions on the people and private sector interests in Papua. ; Persoalan Papua (Provinsi Papua dan Papua Barat) telah mengundang komunitas internasional, namun kebijakan Undang-Undang Republik Indonesia Nomor 21 Tahun 2001 Tentang Otonomi Khusus Bagi Provinsi Papua menjadi isu sentral dalam penyelesaian Papua hanya memberi perlakuan khusus terhadap internal masyarakat Papua. Padahal, melalui Undang-undang ini diharapkan dapat memberikan kesempatan kepada masyarakat Papua agar lebih cepat berkembang, baik politik, ekonomi, maupun budaya, disamping itu masalah gerakan insurgency (pemberontakan) juga dapat dituntaskan. Kenyataannya, penataan sosial politik, ekonomi dan anggaran yang bersifat khusus telah diberikan namun hanya mengembangkan perekonomian dan infrastruktur tetapi gerakan untuk memisahkan diri belum berakhir sampai saat ini. Untuk itu perlu suatu model strategi counterinsurgency (COIN) yang tetap sesuai dengan kebijakan nasional dan kondisi masyarakar Papua. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode content analysis untuk mengungkap penyebab kebijakan yang tidak optimal dalam menyelesaikan counterinsurgency. Berdasarkan empat elemen dasar dalam COIN hanya ada dua elemen yang ada, yaitu elemen masyarakat dan negara, sementara elemen komunitas internasional dan sektor privat tidak ditemukan dalam Undang-Undang Otonomi Khusus Papua. Sehingga, model COIN yang sesuai dengan kondisi masyarakat Papua harus memiliki unsur pemerintah, masyarakat lokal, non-state, komunitas internasional, dan sektor privat. Kalau dibandingkan dengan model United States of America (USA) yang memposisikan masyarakat tidak masuk dalam unsur COIN karena masyarakat diletakkan sebagai objek yang menentukan. Beda lagi kalau dibandingkan dengan strategi Cina yang menempatakan militer dan partai politik sebagai elemen penting karena keputusan pemerintah didukung oleh kekuatan militer untuk mengatasi masalah insurgency. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa kombinasi sipil dan militer dalam model kebijakan COIN Papua Pasca-Otonomi Daerah tercermin dengan adanya Forum Komunikasi Pemimpin Daerah (Forkompimda) Papua dalam menghadapi situasi, baik kondisi aman maupun kondisi darurat. Koordinasikan aktif antara gubernur, legislatif daerah, masyarakat adat, kepolisian, dan militer. Strategi COIN di masa mendatang perlu jalur koordinasi khusus dengan komunitas global secara terbuka yang mempengaruhi opini tentang masyarakat Papua dan kepentingan sektor privat yang cukup kuat di Papua.
In the 1970s,Indonesiais one of thepoorest countries inAsia. In 1976, 54million people in Indonesia(40% of the population) belong to the categoryof poor. In1980-1990anperiodis a period ofhigh economic growth. High economicgrowthis closely linkedwithpoverty reductiondrasticallywhere the numberof poor peoplefell by almost50% from40millionto 22million peoplein 1981s/d1996.In the year2010 the numberof poor peopleamounted to31.02 million people, or about 13:33% andthe poverty ratein March2009 amounted to32.53million, or about 14:15% (BPS). LastBPS dataperSeptember 2013shows that there are28.59millionor11.66% ofthe totalpopulationinIndonesia.PovertyinIndonesia hasdecreasedsignificantlysincethe reformera. Acceleration ofpoverty reductionprogramsinIndonesiais donewithgoodsynergywork programsatnational and local levels. Poverty reduction programscurrently dividedinseveralclusters: Cluster(1) Direct AidSociety(BLM). Thisclusterincludes theSchool Operational Assistance(BOS), Community Health Insurance(Assurance), Ricefor the Poor(Raskin), Family Hope Program(PKH). Cluster1goalistoreducepovertyandimprove thequality ofhuman resources, especiallythe poor.Cluster (2) is the national community empowerment Program (PNPM) independently. The purpose of PNPM Mandiri is to increase prosperity and employment opportunities of the poor independently. Cluster (3) people's business credit (KUR) is a people's business credit is given to the poor without collateral to the community a certain amount. Purpose to provide and strengthening economic access for businessmen of small and micro-scale. An important aspect in strengthening is giving them freely to access of the poor to be able to try and improve the quality of life.In 2011 the Government carry out a Cluster of clusters of four. This Cluster includes: (1) the provision of the House very cheap, (2) a cheap public transport Vehicles, (3) clean water to the people, (4) enhancement of Life for fishermen, (5) improvement of Urban Edge Community Life. The 4 Cluster in the framework of poverty reduction and the achievement of the Millennium Development Goals (the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), so the expected goal of the Millennium Development Goals (the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015 is reached. As it known that the millennium development goals (the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) is an attempt to meet the basic needs of the rights of man through a joint commitment between the 189 UN Member States to implement the 8 (eight) Millennium development goals, namely (1) tackling poverty and hunger, (2) achieve primary education for all, (3) encourage gender equality and the empowerment of women, (4) reduce child mortality, (5) improve maternal health, (6) fight against spread of HIVAIDS, malaria and other contagious diseases, (7) Living and Sustainability (8) global partnership in development. Eight of these targets as measurable goals for a single package of development and poverty reduction.In September 2000, the United Nations Millennium Summit, where world leaders agreed on eight development goals that are specific and measurable global called the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). The first seven goals focus on eradication of extreme poverty and hunger, achieve universal primary education, promoting gender equality and empowering women, reducing child mortality; In September 2000, the United Nations improve maternal health, combat HIV-AIDS, malaria and other diseases, and ensuring environmental sustainability. Whereas the eighth goal calls for the establishment of a global partnership for development, with targets for aid, trade and debt relief.However approach the year 2015, global world will experience the transformation of the global development of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) into Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The shifting of the MDGs to the SDGs doesn't mean the goal contained in the MDGs fail is reached. Quite the contrary, many world records that reveal the success in various countries, there is a remarkable improvement experienced by the poor countries in the ranking of HDI (human development index) the lowest. In the last 40 years, the State- countries that are in the lowest rank of 25 percent experienced improved HDI to 82. The IMF report in the 2013 Global Monitoring Report also explain the positive trend in the achievement of the MDGs. reduction of half of the world's poor population, reduction of half of the population without access to clean water, the Elimination of gender inequality in primary education in 2015, and the improvement of life in a hundred million slums by 2020 was reached more quickly, i.e. in 2010. ADB, a number of countries in Asia also experienced progress in achieving the millennium development goals. The number of poor population has decreased significantly in Malaysia, Viet Nam and China. In Thailand and Malaysia, long-term policies to overcome poverty coupled with their concern for the environment has made the countries that are in the lowest rank of 25 percent experienced improved HDI to 82. The IMF report, these countries are on a sustainable growth path. But not so the case with Indonesia, a country with a diversity of biodiversity in forests is raining but the risorsis contained therein are not managed sustainably and fairly.Programme of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) will be forwarded to Suistanable Development Goals (SDGs). The MDGs will expire in 2015, but until now there has been no final draft which will forward the MDGs program. to that end, scientists and many quarters trying to deepen the concept of SDGs as successor to the MDGs. Keywords: Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), primary education, maternal health, clean water.
