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On 1st of July, 1997, the sovereignty of Hong Kong was transferred to the People's Republic of China and the Bi-literacy (Chinese and English) and Trilingualism (Cantonese, Mandarin, and English) Language Policy was initiated by the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government in order to include Mandarin alongside English and Cantonese as the official languages of Hong Kong to be taught in the public school curriculum. However, there was much resistance to this policy and cases of discrimination against Mandarin and its speakers, even in schools, were reported. Using the framework of Contexts of Policy Making, this study examined the implementation of the Bi-literacy and Trilingualism language policy in Hong Kong. The analysis reveals that the resistance to Mandarin on the part of the populace of Hong Kong can be understood from the perspectives of postcolonialism and anti-cultural imperialism. This analysis makes a useful resource for policy makers to refine the Bi-literacy and Trilingualism Language Policy in the future.

Covid-19 or 2019 corona desease 2019 was first discovered in wuhan China in 2019, to this day the corona virus case continues worldwide. In Indonesia the covid-19 deployment case is not yet complete. One of the areas affected by the pandemic was the riau province. The covid 19 in the province of riau was itself quite high, even being designated as a red zone by the covid-19 task force. Governments continue to seek to reduce the spread of the virus, but one is by conducting a central government guide to vaccination. The purpose of this research is to predict the success of governments in vaccination. Data processing is prepocessing data and validating, then predictions are made. The result of this research is that in the next 1 month the forecast will drop. This is due to an 8.1 % drop in mortality and an 88.7 % rise in mortality. This means that the efforts of riau's provincial government in suppressing covid-9 cases with the vaccination movement have been successful

Considering the recent series of events and intensified diplomatic and economic relations, many experts envisage a new Cold War between the two superpowers of the twenty-first century. Although the Chinese-American relationship over the last half-century has experienced some great moments, it has mostly been characterised by less amicable or even hostile attitudes, as well as economically volatile competition. The pragmatic realist approach and diplomatic appeasement of the 1970s and 1980s served mutual interests for the two countries against their common foe, the Soviet Union. Nevertheless, concerning their political values and visions, the democratic US and the Marxist-Maoist People's Republic of China have proven to be two irreconcilable political and social experiments, worlds apart from each other's spheres and paradigms. Within the context of the drastically altered global political milieu of the new millennium, the two great powers have manoeuvred themselves into heated confrontational positions over the last decade, not even excluding the possibility of a severe clash of interests in the future.

Cover -- Inhalt -- Vorwort und Danksagung -- 1. Einleitung -- 1.1 Zum Phänomen Yizu -- 1.2 Sozialwissenschaftliche Forschung und Social Governance in der VR China: Fallstudien zu Yizu in Urban Villages seit 2009 -- 1.3 Forschungsperspektive, Forschungsfragen und Untersuchungsebenen -- 2. Definitionen und zentrale Kernbegriffe -- 3. Zur theoretischen Perspektive und methodischen Herangehensweise -- 3.1 Die Konstitution von Raum nach Martina Löw -- 3.2 Multiperspektivität -- 4. Chancenungleichheit von migrantischen Hochschulabsolvent*innen im urbanen Raum Chinas -- 4.1 Strukturelle Diskriminierung im Bildungssektor und auf dem urbanen Arbeitsmarkt -- 4.2 ›Aim at the Sky and Feet on the Ground‹: Urbanisierung, Migration und Zugehörigkeit -- 4.3 Die soziale Positionierung von migrantischen Hochschulabsolvent*innen: Zwischen symbolischen Ansprüchen und materiellen Realitäten -- 4.4 Soziale Mobilität, der »Chinesische Traum« und die Frage nach dem ›guten Leben‹ -- 5. Von Schneckenhäusern und Wolkenkratzern: Zur Konstitution des Alltagsraums von migrantischen Hochschulabsolvent*innen in Guangzhou -- 5.1 Urbaner Raum und Reproduktion von Alltag in Guangzhou -- 5.1.1 Guangzhou als Wahlheimat -- 5.1.2 Reproduktion von Alltag in Urban Villages -- 5.2 Geteilte Realitäten: Raum, soziale Identität und Temporalität -- 5.2.1 Urban Villages als Wohnraum von diversen Migrant*innen: Gemeinsamer materieller Raum, aber getrennte soziale Schicht -- 5.2.2 Firmenwohnheime: Dormitory Regime oder temporärer bezahlbarer Wohnraum? -- 5.2.3 Das Künstler*innen-Dorf Xiaozhou: Kollektiver Widerstandsort oder Heterotop? -- 5.2.4 Raumkonstitution, soziale Mobilität und (soziales) Geschlecht -- 5.3 Strategisches Raumhandeln mit geringem Einkommen im urbanen Raum -- 5.3.1 Der Universitätscampus als ›Insel‹: Raumhandeln im Kontext symbolischer Zugehörigkeit und relativer Deprivation.

This paper combines national accounts, household surveys, fiscal data, wealth rankings and election polls, in order to provide a comprehensive analysis of the evolution of income and wealth inequality in Hong Kong, as well as its impact on political cleavages over the 1981-2020 period. We find a very large rise in wage inequality since 1981, especially since the Handover of Hong Kong to China. Top 1% earners now receive a much larger fraction of the total wage bill than bottom 50% earners, while the opposite was true in pre-Handover Hong Kong. We also observe an enormous increase in the capital share and the top wealth share (normalized by national income) since 2000. Today Hong Kong's very top wealth share (top 0.001%) is ranked at very top in the world. Finally, we find that the top income earners and high-income professions (such as executives and managers) are more likely to vote for pro-Beijing camp, while the bottom 85% income group, students and lower-income professionals are more likely to be pro-democratic.

From the introduction of woodblock printing in China to the development of copper-plate engraving in Europe, the print medium has been used around the world to circulate knowledge. Ceramic artists across time and cultures have adapted these graphic sources as painted or transfer-printed images applied onto glazed or unglazed surfaces to express political and social issues including propaganda, self-promotion, piety, gender, national and regional identities. Long before photography, printers also included pots in engravings or other two-dimensional techniques which have broadened scholarship and encouraged debate. Pots, Prints and Politics examines how European and Asian ceramics traditionally associated with the domestic sphere have been used by potters to challenge convention and tackle serious issues from the 14th to the 20th century. Using the British Museum's world-renowned ceramics and prints collections as a base, the authors have challenged and interrogated a variety of ceramic objects – from teapots to chamber pots – to discover new meanings that are as relevant today as they were when they were first conceived.

This paper combines national accounts, household surveys, fiscal data, wealth rankings and election polls, in order to provide a comprehensive analysis of the evolution of income and wealth inequality in Hong Kong, as well as its impact on political cleavages over the 1981-2020 period. We find a very large rise in wage inequality since 1981, especially since the Handover of Hong Kong to China. Top 1% earners now receive a much larger fraction of the total wage bill than bottom 50% earners, while the opposite was true in pre-Handover Hong Kong. We also observe an enormous increase in the capital share and the top wealth share (normalized by national income) since 2000. Today Hong Kong's very top wealth share (top 0.001%) is ranked at very top in the world. Finally, we find that the top income earners and high-income professions (such as executives and managers) are more likely to vote for pro-Beijing camp, while the bottom 85% income group, students and lower-income professionals are more likely to be pro-democratic.

Coronavirus Disease 2019, originated in Wuhan city of China, has been spreading across the world from December 2019 to till now with 55 million confirmed cases in 191 countries and nearly 1.3 million people deaths. As there is no vaccine available, the government and other institutions are taking measures to protect the people from this highly infectious disease. As the purpose of this paper is to define method and relate the more suitable method with Covid-2019 pandemic, in the introductory part, it has defined method and types of methods. It has also provided an overview of Post Structuralism, as a relevant method in explaining Covid-19 responses. Then, in a deeper way, this paper has discussed Foucault's concept of power: biopower, sovereign power and disciplinary power and examines its relevance with Covid-19 measures. It has also focused on the term 'New Normal'- the normalization of abnormal during Covid-19. Finally, the paper concluded with acknowledging the critiques of Foucault theories and limitations of the paper in explaining some of the aspects of ongoing pandemic.

India's textile industry is among the largest in the world and contributes significantly to India's GDP and economic growth. As the second largest total exporter globally after China with more than 45 million workers, India's textile industry has long been the subject of criticism concerning labour exploitation and environmental damage. Since 2016, nevertheless, Narendra Modi's government has started to take a different yet somewhat perplexing approach to introducing and environmentally friendlier and more sustainable direction in its textile industry. This article aims to comprehend the reasons behind India's new policy arguing that—despite such changes—environmental sustainability has not become India's full concern in the textile sector at the moment. Such a shift was part of India's international market expansion strategy towards the European Union market which had imposed non—tariff import restrictions on India's textile products. This article also shows contradictions and tensions in the government's eco—friendly textile policy concerning its high production costs and India's yet dependence on conventional production systems. (Asian Aff / GIGA)

Exploring the 'organization gap' that exists in Northeast Asia, this article seeks to explain why there is no such minimal, Deutschian security community and discerns four impediments: played up islands disputes as a symptom of deep resentment shaped by histories of war and animosity; the rise of a fervent form of nationalism related to collective memories and projected at 'the other;' the American alliance system and China-US strategic distrust and rivalry; and the nuclear weapons pursuit of North Korea. Contrasting the fatalist logic of the dominant neorealist paradigm, the article goes into the deeper underlying and interconnected obstacles that sustain opposing blocs in Northeast Asia in a spiral of mistrust and arming. Arriving at the 'Concert,' or 'Community' proposed by White and Kissinger means that the structural, power aspect as well as the domestic socio-historic dynamics particular to Northeast Asia should be examined first. In doing so, the article puts forth conditions under which a process of 'desecuritisation' can lead to a viable community in Northeast Asia. (Pac Rev / GIGA)

This study investigates the relationship between gender diversity on the board and dividend payouts in China using a large sample over the period 2003–2017. Our results provide robust and strong evidence showing that gender diversity on the board is positively associated with cash payments of dividends. The empirical outcomes confirm that gender diversity on the board facilitates corporate governance and subsequently promotes dividend payouts. We demonstrate that gender diversity on the board has the greatest effect when the board has critical mass participation (three or more female directors) compared with only their token participation. However, independent female directors increase dividend payouts, while female executive directors do not have a significant impact. Furthermore, we extend the literature on the relationship between dividend payments and government ownership by providing evidence that gender diversity has a higher impact on dividend payouts for state-owned enterprises than non-state-owned enterprises. After controlling the endogeneity problems, our findings are reliable and robust. JEL classifications: G30, G35

China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), launched in 2013, is rapidly subsuming much of China's political and economic involvement abroad. As a far-reaching infrastructure development and investment strategy, officially involving more than 130 countries, the expansion of the BRI raises important questions about its environmental impacts and its implications for environmental governance. This article examines how China is actively and rapidly developing an institutional architecture for its envisioned "green BRI," considering the key actors, policies, and initiatives involved in the environmental governance of the BRI. We find that the current institutional architecture of the "green BRI" relies on voluntary corporate self-governance and a multitude of international and transnational sustainability initiatives. The effectiveness of the environmental governance of the BRI not only hinges on China's priorities and commitments, but also on the political willingness and capacity of BRI partner countries to maintain, implement, and enforce stringent environmental laws and regulations. We conclude by outlining several environmental governance challenges and an agenda for future research.

Explorations of Islamophobia or anti-Muslim racism predominantly focus on issues of security policy and media representations, set against the backdrop of the global "War on Terror." This scholarship explores the racialization of Muslim populations across different global contexts, including the UK, Europe, the United States, and China. However, Islamophobia has also been articulated through concerns about the economy, jobs, public services, and national debt in times of austerity. Narratives have emerged around Muslim families in the UK receiving "excessive" welfare benefits, preferential access to social housing, and pressuring public services through "breeding." This article offers a new way of thinking about the links between Islamophobia and austerity through an engagement with the literature on racial capitalism. The article shows how constructions of Muslim populations as the "undeserving poor" are central to the intersectional racialized and gendered disentitlements of austerity. The analysis draws on the findings from twelve interviews and a six-person focus group with Muslim subjects based in London to illustrate the political economy of austerity Islamophobia.

This chapter shows that implementing similar policies supporting the transfer of knowledge from public research to industry in countries with different innovation systems requires different sets of complementary policies. Drawing on six case studies, which range from high- (UK, Germany, Republic of Korea) to middle-income countries (China, Brazil, South Africa), this chapter describes the process of policy convergence and why countries might differ substantially in their approach. In high-income countries with mature national innovation systems, the adoption of Bayh-Dole-inspired legislation meant that research expected to produce patents was incentivized and preferred over other types of commercialization. The policy challenge here is to ensure all channels of knowledge transfer are appropriately nurtured. In middle-income economies, where knowledge ecosystems were less mature, the Bayh-Dole legislation resulted in a process of institutional reform, such as incentives to researchers, changing the legal structure of the university incomes and the use of public research institutes. Thus, for knowledge transfer policies to be successful, it is crucial to identify the appropriate complementary measures.

The fifth volume and third number of 2021 of the Cuban Journal of Public and Business Administration includes original articles, good practices and a case study. Articles related to the topics are displayed: quality of tourism service, electronic government, financial evaluation of cultural heritage, management of hospital admission of COVID-19, public investigation service in strategic sectors, business insolvency with COVID-19, legal advice to the State and the Government, China's new development pattern, design thinking and tax administration. ; El quinto volumen y tercer número del 2021 de la Revista Cubana de Administración Pública y Empresarial incluye artículos originales, buenas prácticas y caso de estudio. Se muestran artículos relacionados con los temas: calidad del servicio turístico, gobierno electrónico, evaluación financiera del patrimonio cultural, gestión del ingreso hospitalario de la COVID-19, servicio de investigación pública en sectores estratégicos, insolvencia empresarial con la COVID-19, asesoría jurídica al Estado y el Gobierno, nuevo patrón de desarrollo de China, design thinking y la administración tributaria.