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Anyone writing about Chinese migration in Britain does so under the shadow of death. The murder of two Chinese students in Newcastle in August 2008 was the latest in a line of misfortunes to propel Britain's Chinese population to the front pages of national newspapers. In 2000 fifty-eight Chinese people were discovered suffocated to death in the back of a van opened at Dover customs port. Four years later the drowning of twenty-three Chinese cockle pickers off the northwest English coast at Morecambe Bay further highlighted the dangers endured by vulnerable Chinese migrants.

The Chinese diaspora, consisting of both Chinese living overseas who are citizens of China (huaqiao), and people of Chinese descent who are citizens of foreign countries (huaren), have significantly shaped the making of modern China.China's policy towards its diaspora is primarily governed by its national interests and foreign policy imperatives. However, the Chinese government has been careful to ensure that the huaqiao and the huaren fall into different policy domains: Chinese citizens living overseas are subject to China's domestic policies, while Chinese descendants who are citizens of other countries come under China's foreign affairs. Nevertheless, from the beginning, the latter continue to be regarded as kinsfolk distinct from other foreign nationals.The huaqiao-huaren distinction is often blurred in ordinary discourse and this has been a source of much misunderstanding. However, it has not been the policy of the Chinese government to blur this distinction, and it is acutely aware of the complexity of the issue and is therefore very cautious about implying any change. As such, when terms such as huaqiao-huaren are introduced in the official lexicon, they are meant to acknowledge certain historical and contemporary realities, and not to deliberately obfuscate the two categories. The use of the combined term is in fact a recognition of the clear-cut distinction between the two groups, and is meant to convey a semantic balance in which neither category is emphasized at the expense of the other.In general, since the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, the Chinese government has treated the diaspora as an asset, rather than a liability. The sole exception was during the Cultural Revolution when returnees, or the guiqiao, were condemned as reactionary and bourgeois elements.There is therefore a fundamental continuity in

AbstractThis article is concerned with the formation of a global diasporic Chinese mediasphere. In the first part, I will delineate the imbricative relationships between community, commerce, and cultural consumption of the Chinese media — what I perceive to be the three conceptual nodes constituting the analytical framework within which meanings of "Chineseness" are constructed and contested. In the second part, I will further argue that a global diasporic Chinese imagination is inherently transnational, and central to the formation of such transnational imaginary is what I refer to as the "transnational mediasphere" which, as I will demonstrate, is a global phenomenon nevertheless inflected with local concerns. I will end with some thoughts on how best to approach this extremely complex and ever-changing phenomenon, tentatively suggesting some points of entry into a place- and context-specific understanding of the production and consumption of the Chinese-language media and the crucial role it plays in the formation of a Chinese transnational imagination.

Approaching Chinese diaspora and Pierre Bourdieu -- Looking Chinese and learning Chinese as a heritage language : habitus realisation within racialised social fields -- Young Chinese girls' aspirations in sport : gendered practices within Chinese families -- Understanding the public pedagogies on Chinese gendered and racialised bodies -- Reconciling the different logic of practice between Chinese students and parents in a transnational era -- Coming into a cultural inheritance : building resilience through primary socialisation -- Resilience to racial discrimination within the field of secondary socialisation : the role of school staff support -- Does Chineseness equate with mathematics competence? Resilience to racialised stereotype -- Recapitulating Chinese diaspora and sociologising diasporic self.

Cover -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- 1 Transnational Connections and Multilingual Realities: The Chinese Diasporic Experience in a Global Context -- PART I Emerging Diaspora, Emerging Identities -- 2 Globalization Off the Beaten Track-Chinese Migration to South Africa's Rural Towns -- 3 Polycentric Repertoires: Constructing Dutch-Chinese Youth Identities in the Classroom and Online -- 4 Sojourner Tongues: Language Practices Among the Chinese of Cairo -- PART II Changing Times, Changing Languages -- 5 The Dungans of Kazakhstan: Old Minority in a New Nation-State -- 6 Chinese-Spanish Contact in Cuba in the 19th Century -- 7 Shifting Identities, Shifting Practices: The Chinese-Speaking Communities in Suriname -- 8 Multilingualism and the West Kalimantan Hakka -- 9 Being Chinese Again: Learning Mandarin in Post-Suharto Indonesia -- PART III Transnational Communities, Cultural Mediators -- 10 Multilingualism in the Chinese Community in Japan -- 11 From Monolingualism to Multilingualism: The Linguistic Landscape in Kuala Lumpur's Chinatown -- 12 Grandmother's Tongue: Decline of Teochew Language in Singapore -- 13 Multilingual Mediators: The (Continuing) Role of the Peranakans in the Contact Dynamics of Singapore -- PART IV Transnational Families, Transcultural Living -- 14 The Transnational Journey of an Indonesian Chinese Couple in Hong Kong: The Story of One Family, Three Places, and Multiple Languages -- 15 Family Language Policy in the Chinese Community in Singapore: A Question of Balance? -- 16 Language Maintenance in the Chinese Diaspora in Australia -- 17 Across Generations and Geographies: Communication in Chinese Heritage Language Speaking Households -- Contributors -- Index.

Abstract
Do China's foreign policies and actions as a state directly influence public opinion toward Chinese diaspora? Notwithstanding the multitude of studies and commentaries on the rise of China and its consequences on the regional and global orders, evidence, and insights on the topic have been lacking. We answer this question through two original, nationally representative survey experiments in Indonesia and by leveraging both contemporary dynamics related to China's growing influence in Southeast Asia and historical discrimination against ethnic Chinese minorities in the country. We examine whether information about a positive (negative) international issue related to China as a state leads to more positive (negative) attitudes toward Chinese Indonesians. Our findings, consistently replicated in the two surveys, show that information about positive or negative international issues concerning China has only little impacts on attitudes toward ethnic Chinese. To the extent that these issues matter, they mostly affect perceptions toward China itself, not toward ethnic Chinese.

This essay is addresses the symbolic power of the Chinese female body in the Exclusion Era. Female Chinese migrants to the US in the late nineteenth-century found both their bodies and their work circumscribed by patriarchal efforts at nation-building exterted from both sides of the Pacific. When female immigrants began arriving in California only a few years after statehood had been granted, they became passive participants in political efforts to ensure that the West Coast be assimilated to the American nation. This meant that permanent settlers should be white, Christian and European; temporary immigrant workers should be prevented from reproducing families in the US but encouraged to produce future generations of temporary labor in China. However, the recent liberalization of Chinese Exclusion laws forbidding immigration to the US from China involved efforts to sustain and extend a complex diasporic network of economic, social, political and cultural relationships spanning the Pacific. While Chinese women were exploited through a trans-Pacific sex trade made possible by both Chinese and American patriarchy, they also articulated the contradictory demands made by the nascent nation state on its frontiers. Chinese women were demonized as disease-carrying prostitutes at the same time that they facilitated the bachelor lifestyle of the Chinese men who were to build the infrastructure of the American West. In this way Chinese immigrant women, many of whom were subjected to sexual servitude in frontier mining towns and growing coastal cities, made possible the permanent settling of the West by European American families, families that would reproduce as white Anglo-American "nationalized" bodies.