Indonesian Citizenship Law Policy, in accordance with Article 26 Paragraph (1)of the 1945 Constitution and Act Nr. 12/2006, is closed in nature and does not recognize dual citizenship. Community members of the Indonesian Chinese Diaspora who hold foreign nationalities do not have the legal standing to file applications to the Constitutional Court for constitutional review of Act Nr. 12/2006 in an effort to obtain Indonesian citizenship, because they are not Indonesian citizens. In order for an individual to be able to obtain Indonesian citizenship without losing his or her foreign nationality, the principle of dual citizenship must be applied within the Indonesian Citizenship Law Policy. This can happen if a legislative review on or an amendment to the act (in this case Act Nr. 12/2006 regarding the Citizenship of the Republic of Indonesia) is conducted by Parliament. Thus the Government of the Republic of Indonesia must be absolutely sure and able to fully assure Parliament that Indonesia has a genuine need for the Indonesian Chinese Diaspora, because they have great potentials and can play an important role in Indonesia's development, both in terms of the quality of human resources that have been proven and tested abroad, as well as the capital that can be invested in Indonesia.
Using ethnographic and interview data, my paper analyzes how geopolitical relationship manifest at the community level in Chinese America Responding to Lien Pei-Te&rsquo ; s call to meaningfully disaggregate among the commonly &ldquo ; lumped together Chinese Americans&rdquo ; I draw upon the experiences of specific groups of Chinese immigrants to the US, post-1949 migrants to Taiwan, pre-1949 migrants to Taiwan, and the People&rsquo ; s Republic of China (PRC) Chinese, in order to understand how boundary drawing occurs in their various communities but also consider how the act of being &ldquo ; lumped together&rdquo ; itself in the US context complicates identity formation. The year 1949 marks the communist victory in the PRC as well as the inaugural year of the Kuomingdang (KMT)-led Republic of China (ROC) in Taiwan. Carved out of these historical events, the contemporary social relations among these groups persist after their migration to the US, but they manifest differently in various domains of practice, including religious ones. As political relationships among states reorganizes their social relations, the religious site offers what Carolyn Chen calls a &ldquo ; moral vocabulary&rdquo ; to articulate, contemplate, and, in some cases, justify these divides. Even within a Christian context, messages of inclusivity are not universal but redefined according to the political and social contexts. By not assigning a singular definition to Christian thought, my paper makes way for a theorization of an intersectional Christian identity.
Exploring the cultural politics of diasporic entrepreneurs and migrant labourers through an examination of Chinese restaurants in Johannesburg, this article presents what I call the "intra-migrant economy" amid everyday racialized insecurities in urban South Africa. I use the term "intra-migrant economy" to refer to the employment of one group of migrants (Zimbabwean migrant workers) by another group of migrants (Chinese petty capitalists) as an economic strategy outside the mainstream labour market. These two groups of migrants work in the same industry, live in the same city, and have established a sort of unequal employment relation that can be hierarchical and interdependentat once. Chinese migrants are socially marginalized but not economically underprivileged, which stands in contrast to Zimbabwean migrants, who remain economically underprivileged even though they speak local languages. Their different socioeconomic positions in South Africa are profoundly influenced by their nationality and racialization. Thisanalysis of their interdependency focuses on the economic and political structures that shaped the underlying conditions that brought Chinese and Zimbabwean migrants to work together in South Africa.
This paper studies the integration of Chinese immigrants in the Triangle de Choisy neighborhood in Paris, which is known for being an exotic hub of Chinese commercial and cultural activities. Based on Serge Paugam's model, we investigated the social integration of Chinese residents in the neighborhood. Our ndings show that while dense social bonds allowed for better connection, our respondents are generally reluctant to address political engagement, which Paugam (2017) considers as one of the four key aspects of social integration. The apparent result seems to con rm the so-called Chinese ethics of diligent work and political indi erence. However, after closer examination, we found diverse forms of participation that have not been captured by the conventional ethnic- centric understanding of political engagement. First, universalistic welfare policies reduced incentives for community-based mobilization. Second, a high level of internal heterogeneity within the community and exclusion of ethnic-particularistic experience in mainstream politics both led to individualized, subtle forms of participation. By situating individual political choice within their particular memories and life histories and reconceptualizing minorities' political engagement beyond ethnicity, more forms of political engagement can be understood and appreciated. Finally, we argue that the conventional ethnic-centred understanding of minority political participation needs to be challenged.
Taking as its subject Chinese immigrant-settler literature across the Pacific, this study introduces the concept of minor settler to describe settlers who are marginalized within settler society, as later-coming immigrants, racialized minority, or colonized peoples. Maintaining that their experiences of settlement differ from those of dominant settlers, and also foregrounding their role and responsibility as settlers perpetuating Indigenous dispossession, this dissertation is motivated by two research questions: (1) how minor settler aspiration for identity and belonging may corroborate settler ideology of non-native right to place, and (2) whether and how their minority struggle may lead to productive engagement with Indigenous decolonization. To answer these questions, I examine contemporary literary fictions by Chinese minor settler authors in Hawai'i, Aotearoa New Zealand, and Taiwan. Using critical insights from settler colonial studies and Indigenous critical theories, I analyze Chinese minor settler narratives against each location's layered settler colonial history, Indigenous political expressions, and racial and national discourses, illustrating how these different conditions of literary production give rise to specific themes, formal qualities, and political commitments in minor settler literary narratives across national contexts. In each case I scrutinize instances where minor settler articulations facilitate ongoing settler hegemony and Indigenous silence, and also seek moments when they turn to Indigenous historiography and values for alternative relations and conversations. This study concludes that minor settler narratives can and do engage with both dominant settler and Indigenous narratives, as these coincide on the same geographical site and through interlocking historical processes. Despite their marginality, in narrating identity, belonging, place, and history, minor settler authors commit into writing their understanding of nation and subjectivity, and contribute to the ongoing negotiations between settler and Indigenous sovereignties.
The Chinese diaspora has been growing since the second half of the nineteenth century. In France, the Chinese immigration from the region of the Wenzhou has intensified since the 1980s. This sub-group of the Chinese diaspora has since rapidly expanded its economic activities. The objective of this thesis is to study the economic, social and spatial organization of Wenzhou migrants in France, manly in the Paris region, and to analyze the economic and social relations that they maintain with China in general and with their region of origin in particular. The central hypothesis of the thesis is that the economic "model of Wenzhou" area, as identified and analyzed by the Chinese scholars, and the development of Chinese entrepreneurship in France are closely linked in particular through "Import"of this model in France. The results of our thesis reveal the existence of an original transnational economy connecting France and China, that was supported by the Wenzhou diaspora and that produced a form of "migratory transfer" in each of the two countries. More broadly, the thesis helps to show how the Chinese diaspora in France contributed to the economic development of China, but also how it benefitted from measures included in China's new policy initiated in the early 2000s to consolidate itself. [La version 1 de cette thèse est une version corrigée sur la forme (fautes de frappe, mise en page, etc.) par l'auteur, après le dépôt légal numérique (consultable en version 2).] ; La diaspora chinoise a pris de l'ampleur depuis la deuxième moitié du XIXème siècle. En France, la migration de Chinois originaires de la région de Wenzhou, s'est intensifiée depuis les années 1980. Ce sous-groupe de la diaspora chinoise a dès lors rapidement développé ses activités économiques. L'objectif cette thèse consiste à étudier l'organisation économique, sociale et spatiale des migrants de Wenzhou en France, principalement dans la région parisienne, et d'analyser les rapports économiques et sociaux que ceux-ci entretiennent avec la Chine en général et avec leur région d'origine en particulier. L'hypothèse centrale de la thèse est que le « Modèle de Wenzhou » en Chine, tel qu'il est identifié et analysé par les universitaires chinois, et le développement de l'entrepreneuriat chinois issu de Wenzhou en France sont étroitement liés. Pour ce faire, nous interrogerons notamment l'idée d'une « importation » de ce modèle en France. Les résultats de cette thèse permettent de révéler l'existence d'une économie transnationale originale, reliant la France et la Chine, qui a été soutenue par la diaspora Wenzhou et a produit une forme de « transfert migratoire » dans chacun des deux pays. Plus largement, la thèse permet de montrer de quelle manière la diaspora chinoise en France a contribué au développement économique de la Chine et comment elle a pu bénéficier de la nouvelle politique de la Chine initiée au début des années 2000 pour se consolider. [La version 1 de cette thèse est une version corrigée sur la forme (fautes de frappe, mise en page, etc.) par l'auteur, après le dépôt légal numérique (consultable en version 2).]
This essay explores the rise of Protestant Christianity at the contemporary stage of China&rsquo ; s globalization as a unique social and cultural phenomenon. Globalization can be seen as not only a homogenization process in political and economic terms, but also a process in which religious ideas and moral principles spread around the world. While in an earlier phase of globalization lack of Christianity was once constructed as a moral argument to ban Chinese migration to the Christian West, in the current context of China&rsquo ; s aggressive business outreach and mass emigration Christianity has become a vital social force and moral resource in binding Chinese merchants and traders in diaspora. By linking the rise of a sinicized version of Christianity in secular Europe with China&rsquo ; s present-day business globalization, I hope to suggest a new transnational framework for studying Chinese Christianity, which has often been examined in the nation-based political context of church-state relations, and for rethinking it beyond the static, decontextualized system of world religions.
In Diaspora and Trust Adrian H. Hearn proposes that a new paradigm of socio-economic development is gaining importance for Cuba and Mexico. Despite their contrasting political ideologies, both countries must build new forms of trust among the state, society, and resident Chinese diaspora communities if they are to harness the potentials of China's rise. Combining political and economic analysis with ethnographic fieldwork, Hearn analyzes Cuba's and Mexico's historical relations with China, and highlights how Chinese diaspora communities are now deepening these ties. Theorizing trust as an alternative to existing models of exchange—which are failing to navigate the world's shifting economic currents—Hearn shows how Cuba and Mexico can reformulate the balance of power between state, market, and society. A new paradigm of domestic development and foreign engagement based on trust is becoming critical for Cuba, Mexico, and other countries seeking to benefit from China's growing economic power and social influence.
This thesis argues that one of the main characteristics of contemporary Chinese Australian literature in English language is its heavy focus on memory and identity. In order to prove this claim, the thesis analyses five English-language novels written by Chinese Australian writers from the period 1990-2010. These works are Lillian Ng's Silver Sister, Brian Castro's Shanghai Dancing, Ouyang Yu's The English Class, Lau Siew Mei's Playing Madame Mao and Hsu-Ming Teo's Behind the Moon. All of the five novels engage with notions of memory and identity in terms of textual structure, characterization, generic features and central themes. This thesis analyses how the selected texts view identity formation as a contested progress influenced by the modes through which fictionalized memory works. In each text, the categories of memory modes are identified and discussed, along with the textual representations. These travelling modes of memory demonstrate that identity can transcend collective belonging, ethnic differences, national borders, political frameworks and generational space. Such modes include 'cosmopolitan memory', which refers to the phenomena that collective memories transcend national and ethnical boundaries. A character who observes his or her past as a cosmopolitan experience acquires a cosmopolitan way of living, thus he or she does not need to be identified with any ethnic group or nationality. Cultural memory is also strongly attached to different languages in diaspora and, when memory is translated from one language to another, cultural translation plays a role in judging whether the past is correctly transferred and previous identities are sustained in a new environment. 'Political memory' refers to memory embedded in political incidents, usually traumatic and contested, through which individual identity is in a dynamic relation with national identity. 'Transgenerational memory' refers to memory that is difficult to be passed on across generations. In all of these modes, identity as a notion is contested and deconstructed. These literary works not only challenge essentialist formations of identity, but also experiment with new ways of establishing it by building new modes of memory. The thesis, in this way, examines the creation of new memory modes that allow new formation of identities in Chinese Australian literary contexts.
The transmission and transformation of dispositions and capitals across generations and geographies is an enigmatic problem. Concomitant with this problem are challenges of disparity and diversity, of distinction and discrimination, of parity and partiality, and of prerogatives and pejoratives. In an educational context, these challenges are indeed real and persistent. To take up the challenges, I often have recourse to Bourdieu's relational, reflexive sociology to ponder over power, politics, and participation in education and socialisation. To realise the full value of the epistemic tools bequeathed by Bourdieu, I employ 'field analysis' and 'participant objectivation' to sociologise myself. Over the years, I have studied and worked, transnationally, in different sociocultural and geopolitical contexts of China, Canada, and Australia. My dispositions and positions have changed, but one thing remains constant: I am Chinese by birth. Such a biological fact and a cultural heritage, and sometimes a political stance, consciously or unconsciously, come to shape my academic habitus – a habitus that manoeuvres my scholastic and social engagement with Chinese young people struggling to survive and thrive in transborder or/and transcultural contexts. Diasporic Chinese constitute one group of these young people and floating children and left-behind children constitute another. In this essay, I introduce to the reader my books about these young people. I also take advantage of this introduction to revisit my journey to a critical sociology of Chinese education through Bourdieu's bequest.
Discussions on digital diaspora are relatively new in international relations studies. The birth of digital diaspora was driven by globalization and the increasing use of information and communications technology. The importance of digital diaspora recently has been recognized by some countries; this paper will discuss the digital diaspora of China. The emergence of digital diaspora was started by the Beijing Strategy in the Deng Xiaoping era. It has developed since the third generation of Chinese diaspora are better educated and skilled, so it is not surprising that it is easier for them to access the virtual world.Chinese Digital diaspora can be seen as a great opportunity for the country with the capacity to make use of it and include it as part of the country's public diplomacy. The possible role of digital diaspora can be manifested through their actions in community development and political movement committed in cyberspace. Chinese Digital diaspora action is based on their strong sense of belonging to the country of origin (homeland) and a sense of nationalism.
Singapore has served as a strategic hub of immigration in Southeast Asia over the past two centuries since its founding as an entrepot in 1819. It is not only due to its geographic location at the crossroads between the East and West, but also to its vibrant social and business organizations that have provided effective institutional links both within Southeast Asia and between the region and China. This has, in turn, contributed to the making of Singapore as a key migration corridor among the Chinese diaspora. An overlooked institutional link in this corridor is qiaopi, the remittances-cum-letters sent home by Chinese immigrants from the 1820s to the 1980s, which was part of the intra-regional circulation of capital, goods, people and information. Qiaopi was officially selected into the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization's (UNESCO's) "Memory of the World" Register in 2013, thus demonstrating its heritage significance. This paper examines the role of the qiaopi trade in establishing and consolidating Singapore's place as the most important migrant corridor in Southeast Asia. It also discusses qiaopi from a transnational perspective of diasporic heritage and its contemporary relevance to the heritage corridor. ; Nanyang Technological University ; Published version ; This work was supported by Nanyang Technological University (grant numbers M4081392 and M4081383).
Following the lead of Chinese Diaspora, Indonesia has now started looking at the strength of Indonesian descent is spread throughout the world. When India and China began to rise economically on the global stage, one of the first things both nations did was to tap into their global diaspora. The millions of Chinese and Indians living on foreign soil and had achieved success responded by channeling billions of dollars back to their homeland as well as providing expertise. With the first Indonesian Diaspora Congress scheduled to open in Los Angeles on July 7, 2012, Indonesia, too, is beginning to recognize the power of those who have moved abroad. Speaking on the eve of the opening of the three-day congress, Indonesian Ambassador to the United States Dino Patti Djalal said that so far Indonesians abroad had been largely ignored. But the congress, which already has registered participants from several other countries, will be a major step toward ensuring that Indonesians living abroad will continue to have a bond with their homeland. As the ambassador noted, the congress can build friendship and a spirit of togetherness between Indonesian diaspora groups. The government also hopes that the congress will awaken a new sense of awareness among the diaspora to create synergy with Indonesians back home. Therefore the congress can boost greater economic and social links between Indonesia and the world. Indonesians living abroad can be a bridge linking the country to other nations and the global economic grid. This is vital in a globalized world and will give Indonesia an extra edge. The Indonesian diaspora can play a significant role in the continued growth and development of the country. Given that many of them have built successful careers and lives in distant lands, they can form an extended network of brain power and source of capital for the nation and strengthen our second track diplomacy in the global stage. Keywords: indonesian diaspora, globalization, global economics, national identity, brain power, capital
INTERACT - Researching Third Country Nationals? Integration as a Three-way Process - Immigrants, Countries of Emigration and Countries of Immigration as Actors of Integration ; This report compares two quite different corridor migrations to the Netherlands. Turkish immigration is larger and more recent than Chinese immigration, which goes back to the beginning of the 20th century. The report aims to better understand the variation in several dimensions of Turkish and Chinese immigrants' integration – in particular, the labour market, education and citizenship. It is based on an original methodology combining different data sources (the existing literature, an analysis of the legal and political frameworks, a quantitative analysis, and a survey). It aims to test the INTERACT project's main hypothesis which conceives of integration as a three-way process. This report provides insight on the integration policy developed in the Netherlands (ethnic minorities policies) and links it to Turkish and Chinese diaspora policies. It tries to shed light on the impact that Turkey and China may have on the integration of their diasporas in the Netherlands. The main findings are the following: firstly, the countries of origin are concerned about their migrants abroad and develop policies accordingly. Secondly, Turkish and Chinese migrants' integration in the Netherlands present different characteristics and the interaction between the Dutch integration policy and their respective diaspora policies is a complex one. Thirdly, the impact that Turkey and China have on integration is different with regard to the different dimensions of integration. And finally, non-state actors based in the countries of origin may also have a significant impact on migrants' integration. ; INTERACT is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Unionhe MPC is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union
