Suchergebnisse

Russian Federation is the closest Northern neighbour of China. Relations with Russia are thus in the center of Chinese geopolitical and economic interests are nowadays. In 1990-2010 socio-economic and political cooperation between the two countries got more dynamic and presented the following features: cross-border labor increased; the amount of investments and trade increased; new forms of migration appeared, and intercultural exchanges between the populations intensified. The transformation of socio-economic and political relations changed also the style of living and infrastructure of the border regions of Russia and China. The objective of the present paper is to probe the links between the Chinese investments and migration of the Chinese to Russia in the period 1990-2012. The paper proceeds thus in the following four steps: brief description of investments and trade exchange between Russia and China; analysis of migration flows between China and Russia in the new economic context; categorization of Chinese migration to Russia and of economic activities of Chinese diaspora and their links to investment; analysis of specificities of socio-economic adaptation of Chinese migrants in Russia. ; The MPC is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union

A growing literature documents the characteristics of the so-called 'bamboo network,' the tightly woven communities of ethnic Chinese doing business around the world and the ongoing linkages such groups have maintained with their ancestral homeland. To date, most academic inquiry has focused on the economies of Southeast Asia, where the largest overseas populations reside and where the impact of strong family dominated businesses has been the most pronounced. The proposed study will examine the business networks of the American Chinese diaspora, contrasting their characteristics and connections to mainland China with those of overseas Chinese communities in other parts of the world. It will focus on the networking patterns among American Chinese professionals, including those that have most recently emerged in the high tech sector. A primary objective is to determine whether a different type of business network pattern has evolved in the American context, one that is less reliant on the traditional pillars of family, language and culture, and more on intellectual capital. Data will be derived from a variety of sources, including a survey instrument, interviews with individuals in the U. S. and China, articles and government web sites.

Indonesian Citizenship Law Policy, in accordance with Article 26 Paragraph (1)of the 1945 Constitution and Act Nr. 12/2006, is closed in nature and does not recognize dual citizenship. Community members of the Indonesian Chinese Diaspora who hold foreign nationalities do not have the legal standing to file applications to the Constitutional Court for constitutional review of Act Nr. 12/2006 in an effort to obtain Indonesian citizenship, because they are not Indonesian citizens. In order for an individual to be able to obtain Indonesian citizenship without losing his or her foreign nationality, the principle of dual citizenship must be applied within the Indonesian Citizenship Law Policy. This can happen if a legislative review on or an amendment to the act (in this case Act Nr. 12/2006 regarding the Citizenship of the Republic of Indonesia) is conducted by Parliament. Thus the Government of the Republic of Indonesia must be absolutely sure and able to fully assure Parliament that Indonesia has a genuine need for the Indonesian Chinese Diaspora, because they have great potentials and can play an important role in Indonesia's development, both in terms of the quality of human resources that have been proven and tested abroad, as well as the capital that can be invested in Indonesia.

The study of the Chinese diaspora's experience in South Africa helps to focus on a specific dimension of diasporic studies, contributing to the field as a whole and increasing the academic reach of diaspora research. This topic elucidates the state's manipulation of race for political means, investigates the machinations of systemic white supremacy, and uses Freud's narcissism of minor differences as a lens to explore the effect of such racist policies upon a diaspora's lived experience.

This essay is addresses the symbolic power of the Chinese female body in the Exclusion Era. Female Chinese migrants to the US in the late nineteenth-century found both their bodies and their work circumscribed by patriarchal efforts at nation-building exterted from both sides of the Pacific. When female immigrants began arriving in California only a few years after statehood had been granted, they became passive participants in political efforts to ensure that the West Coast be assimilated to the American nation. This meant that permanent settlers should be white, Christian and European; temporary immigrant workers should be prevented from reproducing families in the US but encouraged to produce future generations of temporary labor in China. However, the recent liberalization of Chinese Exclusion laws forbidding immigration to the US from China involved efforts to sustain and extend a complex diasporic network of economic, social, political and cultural relationships spanning the Pacific. While Chinese women were exploited through a trans-Pacific sex trade made possible by both Chinese and American patriarchy, they also articulated the contradictory demands made by the nascent nation state on its frontiers. Chinese women were demonized as disease-carrying prostitutes at the same time that they facilitated the bachelor lifestyle of the Chinese men who were to build the infrastructure of the American West. In this way Chinese immigrant women, many of whom were subjected to sexual servitude in frontier mining towns and growing coastal cities, made possible the permanent settling of the West by European American families, families that would reproduce as white Anglo-American "nationalized" bodies.

The largest diasporic exodus fanning out of mainland China took place in the context of the immense turmoil, turbulence, suffering, and pauperization of the masses from late 19th to early 20th centuries. Today, over 24 million diasporic Chinese and ethnic Chinese are spread across Southeast Asia in Philippines, Malaysia, Brunei, Singapore, Thailand, Vietnam, Cambodia, Myanmar and Laos, Indonesia, and Timor-Lester. The first generation (G1) diasporic Chinese came to Southeast Asia with the mentality of sojourners because their emigration was self-imposed and for survival, fueled by the astounding historical, social, political, and economic circumstances of the times. Giving and generosity naturally follows back to motherland; it was focused on "giving back to China and loyalty to motherland". The longstanding heritage in these cultures holds strength in the ethos of the "heart" when it comes to beneficence and philanthropy.The next generation (G2 now born outside of China) began to recognize that the success of their family businesses was dependent on resources, access to networks, and social norms of these local communities, outside of China. We begin to see flexibility in identifying with local communities since their stakes as Nationals are now becoming evident. After WWII, and the realities of a closed-door policy in China from 1949-1978, their vision of retiring back in China became less and less viable. It forced many already outside of China to shed their sojourner mentality.Impulses of the "heart" are soon quickly checked by rational prudence of the "head". In the lands they have just adopted as their new homes, they quickly assimilate, advocate, and find resources for their own survival – including continued re-migration until families found the most suitable location to settle. Naturally, this leads to multiple loyalties over a lifetime. To assimilate and optically appear to be "local", their philanthropy is often used as a platform to affirm their identity as Nationals. Without the "motherland memory" to fall back on, future generations will likely reduce their giving to their parents' country of origin.More recently, globalization, information/digital age, social media have all converged to redefine human connectivity, ease of travel, social-political dynamics, and more. Entities in the diasporic world are now hybridized – thriving on flexible identities and multiple loyalties. Current generations from the original diasporic Chinese are now more "transnational" Chinese than diasporic.However, this hybridity is contextual or versatile in different social settings. As they become westernized or secular in lifestyle, education, ethos, and religion, there will come the time when they cease to "give back" to their parents' or grandparents' homeland. Their choices in philanthropy follows the contextual mutation of their own Chineseness and evolution of flexible identities and multiple loyalties through religion, lifestyles, ethics, worldviews, and localized social norms.

This article examines the controversy over the Beijing Olympics–themed float for the 2008 Pasadena Rose Parade in the broad context of China's public diplomacy and contentious international politics involving the Chinese community in Los Angeles, human rights activists, the City of Pasadena, and other players. It aims to understand the ways in which a nation's public diplomacy strategy can be contested in a local setting and how different players mobilized their resources to strategically frame their messages. It explores three questions: (1) How did different parties draw on the repertoire of contentious politics to frame the controversy? (2) What role did the Chinese diaspora play in the development of the controversy? How does the controversy clarify the function of Chinese immigrants in China's public diplomacy? (3) What did this controversy imply for China's soft power and international communication? This article draws on materials from media reports, official records, videotaped meeting records, personal observations, and semi-structured interviews with the float sponsors, organizers, officials in Pasadena, and human rights activists.

This paper argues that the fluidity that permeates the contemporary international community is driven by especially political and economic globalisation, which has a huge impact of the relationship between the nation and the state. As the individual nation state is increasingly depending on the international community for its economic survival this dependency on the global has as a consequence that it rolls back aspects of national sovereignty thus opening up the national hinterland for further international influences. These developments initiate a process of disaggregating state and nation, meaning that a gradual disarticulation of the relationship between state and nation produces new societal spaces, which are contested by non-statist interest groups and transnational more or less deterritorialised ethnic affiliated groups and networks. The argument forwarded in this article is that the ethnic Chinese utilises these newly created spaces for setting up diasporic like networks thus providing substance for transnational ethnoscapes or nations without states. Keywords: globalisation, nation state, diaspora, ethnicity, Chinese, Southeast Asia

Examines the growing relationship between Latin America and China, focusing on the sociological, rather than the economic or military, dimension of this connection. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched. ; Includes bibliographical references and indexes. ; Cuba, China, and the long march to the market -- Mexico, China, and the politics of trust -- Havana's Chinatown and the quest for synergy -- Trust and treachery in Mexico's Chinese diaspora -- China and the future of history. ; Examines the growing relationship between Latin America and China, focusing on the sociological, rather than the economic or military, dimension of this connection. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched. ; Mode of access: Internet.

We explore how the Chinese diaspora state during the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 managed to transform a severe health crisis into a geo-political opportunity for transnational nation-building through diaspora governance based on extensive use of social media technologies. By adopting a multi-scalar perspective, we analyse the intertwined nature of top-down and bottom-up processes of the Chinese Party-state's diaspora mobilization. Based on discourse and ethnographic analysis, we argue that China's diaspora governance exposed a new and strong capacity for extra-territorial governance. We explore how discursive hegemony, social control and diaspora mobilization were achieved by widely employing the Chinese social media application, WeChat. We also contend that this was facilitated by the Italian government's and media's pro-China attitudes to emphasize the importance of considering transnational embeddedness when studying the implementation and impact of interactive online technology for diaspora governance in an illiberal political context.

Using ethnographic and interview data, my paper analyzes how geopolitical relationship manifest at the community level in Chinese America Responding to Lien Pei-Te&rsquo ; s call to meaningfully disaggregate among the commonly &ldquo ; lumped together Chinese Americans&rdquo ; I draw upon the experiences of specific groups of Chinese immigrants to the US, post-1949 migrants to Taiwan, pre-1949 migrants to Taiwan, and the People&rsquo ; s Republic of China (PRC) Chinese, in order to understand how boundary drawing occurs in their various communities but also consider how the act of being &ldquo ; lumped together&rdquo ; itself in the US context complicates identity formation. The year 1949 marks the communist victory in the PRC as well as the inaugural year of the Kuomingdang (KMT)-led Republic of China (ROC) in Taiwan. Carved out of these historical events, the contemporary social relations among these groups persist after their migration to the US, but they manifest differently in various domains of practice, including religious ones. As political relationships among states reorganizes their social relations, the religious site offers what Carolyn Chen calls a &ldquo ; moral vocabulary&rdquo ; to articulate, contemplate, and, in some cases, justify these divides. Even within a Christian context, messages of inclusivity are not universal but redefined according to the political and social contexts. By not assigning a singular definition to Christian thought, my paper makes way for a theorization of an intersectional Christian identity.

Migration Policy Centre ; This paper studies the role that Chinese migrants play in the development of investment relations between China and Germany. We assume that Chinese migrants can help to overcome the psychic distance that exists between the two countries, a distance that esults in high information costs for Chinese companies with regard to investment opportunities, government regulations and/or the trustworthiness of potential business partners in Germany. We also look at Chinese diaspora networks assuming that they can educe transactions costs and can have foreign direct investment (FDI)-creating effects. ; The MPC is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union

Exploring the cultural politics of diasporic entrepreneurs and migrant labourers through an examination of Chinese restaurants in Johannesburg, this article presents what I call the "intra-migrant economy" amid everyday racialized insecurities in urban South Africa. I use the term "intra-migrant economy" to refer to the employment of one group of migrants (Zimbabwean migrant workers) by another group of migrants (Chinese petty capitalists) as an economic strategy outside the mainstream labour market. These two groups of migrants work in the same industry, live in the same city, and have established a sort of unequal employment relation that can be hierarchical and interdependentat once. Chinese migrants are socially marginalized but not economically underprivileged, which stands in contrast to Zimbabwean migrants, who remain economically underprivileged even though they speak local languages. Their different socioeconomic positions in South Africa are profoundly influenced by their nationality and racialization. Thisanalysis of their interdependency focuses on the economic and political structures that shaped the underlying conditions that brought Chinese and Zimbabwean migrants to work together in South Africa.

INTERACT - Researching Third Country Nationals' Integration as a Three-way Process - Immigrants, Countries of Emigration and Countries of Immigration as Actors of Integration ; In 2012 there were approximately 50 million Chinese people living overseas across more than 100 countries (Wu 2011). By 2006, more than 30 million Chinese people had returned to China from abroad (Gao 2007). Both overseas Chinese nationals and those who had returned from overseas are regarded as important in China's modernization drive (Liu Z. 2005). The Chinese government values the rights and interests of the diaspora Chinese, Chinese returnees, and their family members, and the rights and interests of Chinese citizens abroad. To this end, it has promulgated laws and policies and established designated departments and offices, including the Overseas Chinese Affairs Office of the State Council and the Bureau of Emigration and Entry Administration in the Ministry of Public Security, to deal with matters relating to overseas Chinese and Chinese citizens abroad. ; INTERACT is co-financed by the European University Institute and the European Union.

With the launching of China's ambitious Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in 2013, Chinese diaspora in Southeast Asia have been confronted with both growing business opportunities and emerging challenges. How do ethnic Chinese businesses and their associations respond to the BRI, and by extension, a rising China? How do transnationalism and the nation-states shape their engagement strategies? What are the implications of the Southeast Asian experience for an understanding of diaspora transnationalism? Drawn upon empirical studies conducted in Singapore, Malaysia and the Philippines, and by examining the emergence of the new structural characteristics of Chinese business associations, we argue that these associations have formed institutionalised transnational interactions with China through a variety of mechanisms to facilitate cross-border flows of capital, goods, people, and information. Resultant from various policies instituted by the Southeast Asian states, this economic transnationalism has not led to the dilution of the national identity and political loyalty of ethnic Chinese towards their respective countries. We conclude that the institutionalised transnationalism has operated within a 'dual embeddedness' structure in which the state is involved as a key network node in the transnational socio-economic field connecting China and the region. ; Nanyang Technological University ; Published version ; This work was supported by the National Social Science Fund of China [grant number: 16BMZ097; 'The Interaction Between Diasporic Chinese Entrepreneurs and China'] and by Nanyang Technological University [#04INS000103C430, 'Plural Coexistence and Asian Sustainability'; and #04INS000132C430, 'Integrating through Mobility'].