Suchergebnisse

Феномен дружбы еще в античности стал объектом пристального внимания со стороны философии. Аристотель в «Никомаховой этике» связывает с дружбой политическое существование человека, так как полагает, что и сам полис строится по аналогии с дружескими союзами. Цицерон также видел в дружбе прообраз социальности. Постепенно на смену такому представлению приходит романтическая концепция, где дружба понимается как субъективное, чувственное сближение индивидов, доступное весьма немногим. Романтической концепции придерживались и Кант, и Гегель. Русская религиозная философия, с одной стороны, формируется под воздействием немецкого романтизма и свойственного ему понимания дружбы, но, с другой стороны, сразу же возвращает концепту дружбы социальное содержание. У Хомякова дружба устанавливается прежде всего между властью и народом, и этот дружеский союз отличает русскую культуру от западноевропейской. Однако русскую религиозно-философскую мысль отличает стремление понять феномен дружбы не сам по себе, а в его связи с понятиями вражды и братства. Возникает образ братской сплоченности, с которым Вл. Соловьев связывает главную угрозу христианству, идущую от дальневосточной цивилизации, тогда как у Н. Федорова, наоборот, в братской сплоченности, сохранившейся в русской и в китайской аграрной общине, таится залог спасения от «небратского» Запада. Связь концепта дружбы и братства проясняется в XX столетии в западноевропейской мысли, в частности, в представлениях о «мистическом акосмизме братства» у М. Вебера и Х. Арендт.In antiquity, the phenomenon of friendship became the object of steadfast attention from philosophy. In Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle connects the political existence of man with friendship since he believes the city (polis) can be built in analogy with friendly unions. Cicero also saw a social prototype in friendship. A gradual change in such a representation resulted in a romantic concept of friendship that is understood as the subjective, sensual bringing together of individuals, but is only accessible to few. Kant and Hegel also adhered to the romantic concept. Russian religious philosophy, on the one hand, is formed under the influence of German romanticism and the understanding of friendship peculiar to it, but, on the other hand, it returns immediately to the concept of friendship as a social construct. Khomyakov believes that friendship is first of all established between the power and the people, and this friendly union distinguishes Russian culture from the West European culture. However Russian religious-philosophical thought is distinguished by the aspiration to understand the phenomenon of friendship not in itself, but in its connection with the concepts of enmity and brotherhood. There is an image of brotherly unity emanating from a Far Eastern civilization which Vl. Solovyov posits as the main threat to Christianity, whereas N. Fyodorov, believes that a brotherly unity and an unspoken pledge of rescue from "the not brotherly" West that has remained in the Russian and in the Chinese agrarian communities. The relationship between the concepts of friendship and brotherhood becomes clearer in 20th century Western European thought, particularly in the representations of the "mystical acosmism of brotherhoods" by the sociologist and philosopher M. Weber and the political philosopher H. Arendt.

Motivazione: La ricerca proposta vuole individuare e indagare i modelli educativi e le buone pratiche di cura dei bambini e delle bambine che si sono sviluppati nelle scuole d'infanzia di alcune zone della Cina e dell'Italia. A tale fine, verranno considerati i fattori connessi all'individuazione: a) del modello educativo; b) del pattern educativo informale; c) delle buone pratiche. Queste diverse fasi delle analisi ci aiutano a capire quali siano le teorie pedagogiche (implicite e/o esplicite) presenti nella scelta delle attività educative e nella loro organizzazione e le concezioni d'infanzia strettamente legate alle tradizioni culturali della cura e dell'educazione dei due paesi. Metodologia: La ricerca ha appoggiato alle diverse metodologie e strumenti di indagine. Si è scelto di utilizzare una metodologia di tipo descrittivo, alternando diversi metodi osservativi in alcune sezioni di diverse scuole d'infanzia sia in Italia sia in Cina. Inoltre si è scelto di utilizzare un altro strumento guida dell'osservazione, applicato solo alle scuole d'infanzia italiane perché si tratta della scala di valutazione della qualità della scuola dell'infanzia (PraDISI) elaborata sulla base delle storie e della culture dell'infanzia diverse da quelle della Cina, che permette di valutare la qualità delle scuole dell'infanzia coinvolte nell'indagine. Oltre a ciò, nelle scuole d'infanzia di Shanghai è stata utilizzata la tecnica della video-registrazione per poter documentare e successivamente analizzare momenti specifici e rilevanti delle giornate. Conclusione: Dalle analisi sui dati raccolti, si risulta che è interessante integrare due modelli: uno della scuola dell'infanzia di Shanghai centrato più sul gruppo e l'altro della scuola dell'infanzia di Bologna e di Reggio Emilia più sul singolo. ; Objective: The mail objective of the research is to identify: a. The educational model; b. The informal educational pattern; c. The best practice in some preschools of China and Italy. The research of this project has something with my personal experiences. The Chinese government pays more attention to the child care and more preschools choose the Montessori educational model from others. The negligence of training of teacher created many problems during the importation of the education model, coming from another country. Method: In the part of empirical research, I used different tools for doing observation. In the three preschools of Shanghai, it is applied that named descriptive, that is, collecting the data with the paper and pen (Anna Bondioli); while in the preschool of Bologna and Reggio Emilia, it used the PraDISI (Rossaella D'Ugo, Ira Vannini), an instrument for observation and valuation of the quality of the teaching practice. The third tool which is applied just in one of the three preschools of Shanghai is the video-cued multivocal ethnography, elaborated by the group of researchers of Joseph Tobin. Result: After the analysis of data, it noted that the educational model in of preschool of Shanghai emphasized the collective value, while in Italy it focus more on the individual realization. So it is interesting that the one model can be integrated with another.

В статье рассматриваются экономические связи Грузии с четырьмя государствами, которые граничат с Кавказским регионом: Россией, Турцией, Ираном и Казахстаном. Сосредоточив внимание на региональном анализе, для сравнения авторы приводят также данные по отношениям Грузии с глобальными игроками: США, ЕС и КНР. Авторы постулируют минимум три вызова интересам России в Грузии. Во-первых, и грузинские элиты, и общество рассматривают интеграцию в ЕС и НАТО как основную цель государства при том, что в случае НАТО это явным образом противоречит российским национальным интересам. Во-вторых, с экономической точки зрения США уже не выступают финансовым «драйвером» грузинских реформ. Их место занял ЕС, в течение последних 15 лет главный торговый партнёр Грузии. По объёму товарооборота СНГ превосходит Евросоюз, однако СНГ фактически представляет собой структуру, формально объединяющую страны участницы, тогда как Евросоюз выступает как интеграционная общность и не является столь же аморфным образованием, не имеющим общей экономической политики. В-третьих, весомую альтернативу российскому финансовому потоку создают китайские инвестиции в инфраструктуру Грузии в рамках «Нового Шёлкового пути». Для всестороннего анализа сложившейся ситуации авторы использовали показатели торгового оборота, ПИИ, трансграничного перемещения финансов, туризма и развития транспорта. Кроме того, рассмотрены маршруты нефтеи газопроводов, включая перспективные. Авторские выводы основаны на анализе публикаций по теме исследования, статистических данных, а также на материале, полученном в ходе встреч с представителями грузинского правительства. ; The article deals with the economic ties between Georgia and four countries neighbouring the Caucasus region: Russia, Turkey, Iran, and Kazakhstan. The authors focus their attention on regional analysis and, for comparison, give figures on Georgia's relations with three global players: the USA, the EU, and the PRC. The authors postulate at least three challenges to Russia's interests in Georgia. First, both Georgian establishment and society regard integration with the EU and NATO as main goal of the state, which in case of NATO evidently contradicts Russian national interests. Second, from the economic point of view, the USA is no longer a financial driver of Georgian reforms. The EU, main trade partner of Georgia for the past 15 years, has replaced it. The CIS surpasses the EU in commodity turnover with Georgia, however it is in fact an amorphous organization that formally combines its member-states and lacks for common economic policy, unlike the European Union that acts as an integration association. Third, Chinese investment in Georgian infrastructure within the "New Silk Way" project serves as a ponderable alternative to Russian financial flow. For a comprehensive analysis of the situation the authors used some figures concerning commodity trade, FDI, cross-border financial flows, tourism, and transport development. Major pipeline branches, including the planned projects, are taken into account as well. The findings are based on the results of desk research, and on empirical data obtained through meetings with Georgian government officials.

Integration of the foreign communities has been a forefront issue in Luxembourg for some time now. With a population of approximately 563,000, Luxembourg is a kaleidoscopic of cultures, comprising over 170 nationalities. The country's continued progress depends largely on the successful assimilation of immigrants. To better understand what constitutes the best integration, the European Investment Fund for Non-EU nationals, together with the Welcome and Integration office of Luxembourg, funded this project. The aim of our study was to explore the definition of the integration according to Non-EU citizens residing in Luxembourg, and to evaluate the services of the integration contract of Luxembourg (CAI) which should cover their needs. Eleven focus group discussions with 50 volunteers (32 women, 18 men) recruited from among 233 Non-EU beneficiaries of the CAI were held. Semi-structured discussions (4 to 8 people) were facilitated in English, French, Spanish, Serbo-Croatian or Chinese and lasted between 1.5 to 2.5 hours. Encouraged, they delved into detailed explanations of the difficulties and challenges they face, their expectations upon arrival; considering the multicultural nature of Luxembourg, the differences between these expectations and the reality, their needs, both met and unmet, and their perceptions. To grasp the requirements covered or not covered by the CAI, and the problems faced by Non-EU citizens, eight questions exploring the contract were posed. To direct these discussions were four main guidelines: (1) The quality of services and activities proposed, (2) the organization (3) the availability of the personnel and (4) the utility of the information received. Transcriptions were analysed with the help of NVivo 10. A systematic and reiterative analysis of decomposing and reconstituting the data was conducted following three main steps. (1). Identification in the transcriptions were read in order to identify potential answers to the aims of the research and main categories (difficulties, challenges and integration needs). These informed subsequent analyses (2). Similar verbatim regrouped in category and an item was formular. (3). Categories were regrouped together in dimension. Three dimensions were identified professional career, linguistic acquisitionand socio-cultural activities or events which are two core elements essential to the success of the immigrant's integration – recognition of the role of time in the process, and deliberate effort on the part of the immigrants, the society around and the formal institutions charged with the responsibility of helping with integration. Further, there was a majority consensus on good quality of services in at least one of the components of CAI, and on the availability of the personnel. The organisation and content utility was suitable for some, but maladapted to the needs of others, since they did not address their current concerns. The one fits all structure of the CAI, would need revision through considering smaller groups with specific needs separately.

China's economic reform has not only led to the rapid growth of cities, but also to the dramatic transformation of villages. To fulfill the demand for land and other resources, the state expropriates rural land and the villagers attached to the land are turned into urban residents. Villagers' committees, the governing body of the village, are also restructured in response to urbanization. For a long period of time, villagers and villagers' committees have been deemed to be in a weaker position, suffering from the exploitation by the state and a lack of sufficient social welfare. The literature has suggested that the development of modern cities will result in the demise of peasantry and rural collectives. Is this true in Southern China? As a set of new institutional arrangements, the rural shareholding cooperative (RSC) was created in the 1980s that appeared to have reassembled the power and interests of individual farmers and restored the importance of collective actions in the countryside. Using Guangzhou as a case study, this research attempts to find out what role the RSC plays in China's urbanization. To achieve this goal, quantitative data were collected from national and local governmental departments to illustrate the "big picture" of rural development and shareholding reform in Guangzhou. Qualitative data were obtained from interviews with government officials, rural cadres and villagers, and from fieldwork conducted in representative towns and villages. This study also examines the roles of RSC in three aspects: rural governance, land development and welfare provision. Rural governance mainly refers to the impacts of administrative restructuring, village election and kinship. Land development focuses on the retained land policy, rural land use planning and "Three Oldies (old city, old factory and old village)" redevelopment. In terms of welfare provision, rentier issues, conflicts on shareholdership and rural taxation have also been investigated. The results of spatial analyses and quantitative analyses show that shareholding reform normally took place in economically developed villages situated in locations that were close to the city center. Analyses on rural governance show that RSC has remodeled the interactions of state, cadres and villagers. The powers of these parties have become more balanced now. RSC can also promote physical urbanization in the countryside via profitable development projects and new arrangements on rural planning and land property rights. Moreover, the RSC can facilitate villagers to acquire labor skills, a sense of social equity and awareness as taxpayers. This study has updated the empirical works on institutional change in rural southern China. More importantly, it has examined the new roles of rural collective organizations and contributed to the theories on collectivization in the post-reform era, which have been largely ignored by previous research. Findings of this study imply that the RSC is playing a critical part in China's urbanization process. As an emerging form of rural collective, it can facilitate rural-urban transformation or even achieve unprecedented integration of Chinese villages and cities. ; published_or_final_version ; Urban Planning and Design ; Doctoral ; Doctor of Philosophy

Rioting in the Central Highlands over forced population resettlements while in the Mekong Delta increasing pollution and reduced water flows destroy fish stocks and reduced rice yields result in a food shortage for the millions of residents dependent on the Mekong for their survival. Meanwhile surging demand for oil is heightening tension over the Spratly Islands between Vietnam and China in a relationship already strained as a result of reduced flows down the Mekong because of Chinese dams in Yunan Province. While the prospects for state failure and resource wars are remote, a failure to address spiralling resource demand, coupled with dwindling supply, could lead to the above scenario occurring in Southeast Asia in the future. Tensions over resources such as water and energy are increasing as a result of burgeoning regional and global demand for such resources, while at the same time supply is increasingly restricted. In Vietnam demand for the water resources of the Mekong River is growing at the same time that supply is being restricted by the construction of dams upstream and pollution is leading to declining water quality, essentially destroying the productive capacity of the river resources. The Vietnamese government faces serious questions about its ability to deal with a situation that is growing in complexity and scope with inadequate environmental safeguards contributing to a problem that the Vietnamese government has show a reluctance to deal with. Growing domestic demand for energy is also leading to shortages of supply and creating demand the development of new sources. A heavy reliance on hydroelectricity is being countered by moves to expand the generation of electricity using coal and gas, while nuclear options are being actively considered. Some of the options available for Vietnam to secure continued access to water and energy resources include the more efficient and effective use of river re sources through improved farming and irrigation techniques, which would help to significantly reduce the impact of resource scarcity by reducing wastage. Improved pricing mechanisms that better reflected the real cost of water in the Delta would also encourage conservation methods. Options for securing energy supplies include the joint-development of expected reserves in the South China Sea. Joint-development is the most promising prospect for Vietnam gaining access to at least some of the potential energy reserves under the Spratly and Paracel Islands but is nonetheless an unlikely proposition. Diversification of Vietnam's energy mix and improved conservation of existing supplies through improved pricing mechanisms are other options to reduce its dependence on foreign energy supplies. Overall, strengthened environmental protection mechanisms, improved conservation initiatives and establishing a regional dialogue on resource issues offer the most promising ways to promote continued strong economic growth and minimise the chance of serious intra and inter-state conflict breaking out over resource issues.

The Australian government has become increasingly frustrated at the inability to prevent people smugglers from transporting asylum seekers to Australia, despite increasing law enforcement measures. Yet research on people smuggling networks remain dispersed and fail to take into account recent developments on people smugglers and their activities. This report thus addresses a need to re-examine people smuggling networks that target Australia as the destination country. There are various conceptual frameworks used to examine transnational organised crime as well as people smuggling networks. However, only certain elements of each framework 'fit' the Australian context. This gives credence to the argument that people smuggling networks are constantly developing and stereotypes of smuggling networks are unhelpful. As such, this report draws from elements of these networks and applies them to empirical research on people smuggling activities. In addition these elements are applied to profiles that have been created of individual smugglers as well as information from media reports and government documents. Research on people smuggling networks have established that they are highly adaptable and resilient and this is further strengthened by the profiles of smugglers. These profiles also suggest that roles traditionally assigned to specific actors within these smuggling networks do not fit in the Australian context. People smuggling networks also show flexibility in the way they respond to law enforcement measures and routes used to enter into Australia. Nevertheless, the profiles and research findings indicate that people smugglers show flexibility in the former. While there is a wide range of actors involved in people smuggling operations, there is a level of hierarchy distinguishing local Indonesian smuggling groups and the coordinators of smuggling networks. However, the real 'untouchable' actors seem to be corrupt public officials and traditional financiers of smuggling operations. Nevertheless, there is a lack of information on whether the latter exist in an Australian context. Furthermore, despite strong evidence suggesting that top smugglers are Australian residents, the research findings indicate otherwise. Ethnicity also plays an important role in people smuggling networks. It cannot be separated from other features of smuggling networks. Moreover, understanding the way in which Chinese smuggling networks operate can assist in understanding how smuggling networks operate in other regions. Though the research findings reflect the importance of ethnicity, they suggest that there is a stronger regional connection between smugglers and the people they smuggle. Lastly, the diversified pattern of criminal organisations has ted many to conclude that people smuggling networks are no different. There are numerous ways in which smuggling networks can transform to a trafficking situation, and there are various scenarios where people smuggling can be linked to drug trafficking as well as terrorist activities. However, the research findings only indicate a link between smuggling and potential drug trafficking organisations. Future research thus needs to focus on examining whether these connections exist, and finding ways to prevent the development of these links in the future.

This report identifies how Australia can increase its agricultural trade with China in the future global context of food insecurity. Its primary focus is on the free trade agreement negotiations and foreign direct investment in the Australian agricultural sector. The first section argues that the free trade agreement negotiations have broken down for a number of reasons including the differing political and economic systems of Australia and China, as well as sectoral factors, primarily agriculture. The report then analyzes the current trade and investment trends between Australia and China finding that agricultural trade between the two countries is already increasing at a rapid rate. lt also finds that Chinese investment in Australia is increasing but it is not possible to obtained a precise rate or number of investments in Australian agricultural land because of insufficient public record keeping. The third section compares Australia's trade and investment trends to that of New Zealand's, a country which has been successful in finalizing a free trade agreement with China. This section finds that Australia's agricultural trade is increasing at a greater rate than that of New Zealand's, but New Zealand's trade is more secure into the future because of the Free Trade Agreement. This section highlights some of the concessions New Zealand made in the agricultural sector during free trade agreement negotiations and shows how these concessions could be adopted by Australia without detrimental effect. This section also analyses New Zealand's Foreign Investment Review regime, which indicates that the Free Trade Agreement has had little impact on foreign investment given that New Zealand's regime is even more restrictive to that of Australia. The fourth section highlights possible options for increasing agricultural trade with China. Firstly, it gives a brief history of China's trading history and determines that China's trading approach is based on pragmatism and there is no certain tactic that Australia should undertake to establish a free trade agreement with China. lt then acknowledges that the economic benefits of a free trade agreement may be limited but the auxiliary benefits of closer political ties as well as influence on behind the border issues would be of great advantage to Australia in the future. This section also highlights multilateral talks and advocacy through the Cairns groups as options for increasing agricultural trade but acknowledges that these options are likely to be less successful in the current global climate. Finally, the report the gives five considered recommendations for increasing agricultural trade with China, including: to pursue a free trade agreement with possible concessions including safeguard measures, to examine the foreign direct investment review regime in agriculture, to establish mechanisms to monitor this investment, to maintain active in multilateral bodies such as the WTO and to use the increasing diplomatic clout of groups such as the Cairns group to encourage agricultural importers to reduce trade barriers.

"Reconstructing new homeland" (重建新家園) became the key policy in Sichuan's rural reform after the 2008 earthquake at Wenchuan. Discursively and in practice, the "homeland" that was being reconstructed involved two components — "home" and "land". In the Chinese context, "home" referred to both family and household, while "land" consisted of the physical environment and the resources therein. This thesis argues that all these components were constructed and contested by gendered subjects, and the "reconstructing new homeland" policy was a site where the gender-environment linkage became highly contextualized. ; Combining feminist political ecology with post-structural theory, this study examines the nature and process of how gender and the environment were linked. Ethnographic field work was carried out in three villages in Sichuan—one on the mountain, the second at the foothill, and the third on the plains. The study found that, firstly, these changes provided new opportunities to male members of the villages, and as a result resurrected their declining power and status across the state, community, household and individual levels. These led to the marginalization of women, the elderly, the poor, and non-officials, in contrast to the empowerment of men, the young, the rich, the educated, and officials. Secondly, in the reform of the land policy and in the reorganization of the built environment, citizens, their gender, and family life were increasingly being put under state surveillance which resulted in the reorganization of the family and reshaping of gender relations. ; "重建新家園"是2008年汶川大地震後四川災後重建的核心政策,也是中國農村城鎮化改革的試驗。字面上和實踐中,"家園"包含"家"和"園"兩個層面。"家"指家庭和家戶,由性別主體構成;"園"指自然環境資源。"家園"因此將性別和環境聯繫起來。"重建新家園"也包含兩個層面:"家"的重建和"園"的重建。"家"重建包含住房的建設和居住環境的提升和改造。與之配套的"園"重建是建立發展生態環保產業,具體措施包含土地集中、農業產業化、生態旅遊和關閉環境落後企業等。性別與環境因此在"重建新家園"的實踐中相關聯。本文研究性別主體在"家""園"重建中如何被建構、實踐並被重構。 ...

The article deals with the principles of the Beijing Consensus, which has become an alternative to the Washington Consensus, - the list of recommendations for the implementation of macroeconomic policies in developing countries. American economist Joshua Cooper Ramo proposed this title for the Chinese model of social changes and perceived it not only as an attempt to adapt the Western market economy principles to the cultural and political realities of modern China but as a new physics of development and power. One of the main tasks of this model was an attempt to protect the country from the outside factors that could negatively influence the process of reforming; an attempt to transform the reform process into the inner one that will evolve like a chain reaction. The article deals with the very principles of the Beijing Consensus and provides the criticism of some of them. The following principles are among them: «changes, newness and innovations», which are complemented by a focus on equality, the desire to apply the asymmetrical power in relations with hegemonic states, to develop good neighbor relations with the largest possible number of countries, but, above all, with the nearest neighbors, and etc. ; В статье анализируются принципы Пекинского консенсуса, который стал альтернативой Вашингтонскому консенсусу, - списку рекомендаций по реализации макроэкономической политики в развивающихся странах. Американский экономист Джошуа Рамо Купер, который предложил это название для китайской модели социальных изменений, видел в ней не только попытку приспособить западноевропейские принципы рыночной экономики к культурным и политическим реалиям современного Китая, а и «новую физику развития и власти». Одной из главных задач построения данной модели развития было стремление защитить страну от внешних факторов, которые могут негативно повлиять на процесс реформирования; стремление превратить процесс реформирования во внутренний, который будет происходить подобно цепной реакции. В статье раскрываются сами принципы Пекинского консенсуса и приводится критика некоторых из них. Среди этих принципов - «изменения, нововведения и инновации», которые дополняются фокусом на равенстве, стремлением применять асимметричную силу в отношениях с государствами-гегемонами, развивать добрососедские отношения с как можно большим числом стран, но, прежде всего, с ближайшими соседями, и т.д. ; У статті розглядаються засади Пекінського консенсусу, який став альтернативоюВашингтонському консенсусу, - списку рекомендацій по реалізації макроекономічної політики українах, що розвиваються. Американський економіст Джошуа Рамо Купер, який запропонував цюназву для китайської моделі соціальних змін, вбачав в ній не лише спробу пристосуватизахідноєвропейські принципи ринкової економіки до культурних та політичних реалій сучасногоКитаю, а й «нову фізику розвитку та влади». Одним з головних завдань вибудови даної моделірозвитку було намагання захистити країну від зовнішніх факторів, які можуть негативновплинути на процес реформування; намагання перетворити процесс реформування увнутрішній, такий, що буде відбуватися подібно «ланцюговій реакції». У статті розкриваютьсязасади Пекінського консенсусу і наводиться критика деяких з них. Серед цих засад – «зміни,нововведення та інновації», які доповнюються фокусом на рівності, намаганням застосовуватиасиметричну силу у відносинах з державами-гегемонами, розвивати доброзичливі стосунки сякомога більшим числом країн, але, перш за все, з найближчими сусідами тощо.

Ставится задача рассмотрения влияния американского фактора на процесс демократизации социально-политической жизни Тайваня. Предпосылки демократизации складывались в 1970-х гг. и условно делятся на внешние и внутренние. Внешнеполитические факторы напрямую связаны с изменением позиции США по ряду вопросов. Демократические процессы на Тайване рассматриваются в качестве реакции на определенные внешние «раздражители», главным из которых является политика Америки в регионе. ; The diplomatic status and geopolitical situation of Taiwan determine its huge dependence on foreign factors. Politico-social development of the island is not an exception. It seems that foreign factors inspired democratization of Taiwan which occurred from 1986 to 1996, but precursors of it had been forming since 1972. By correlating some relevant foreign affairs with Kuomintang policies and politico-social reforms in Taiwan in the exact period, we are able to unveil some foreign factors, that had great influence on the democratization of Taiwan. Foreign factors analysis, as well as domestic reforms assessment should begin with determination of key objectives of Taiwan foreign policy. These goals are aimed at preserving Taiwan de facto independence. Specifically, they are strategic, military and economic security arrangements. Foreign factors analysis allows us to emphasize the "American factor" as a key factor that had a great influence on Taiwan. Because Taiwan relied greatly on America in matters of defense, economic and trade cooperation, Taiwan authorities had to consider the USA's opinion on many vital subjects, including domestic policies. America's expectations of Taiwan democratization issue, its role and policy in the Pacific region, its relations with other countries in the region (with China, first of all), its position on some key issues all these variables were taken in account by Taiwan authorities when planning its policy. It is highly possible that the influence of the USA contributed to the exclusion of Taiwan from the UN. In turn, it fostered democratic reforms and a politico-social transformation that are subjects in this paper. Severance of diplomatic relations and denunciation of the Defense treaty between the USA and Taiwan was a great challenge to Taiwan, because it relied on support of American troops in case of an attempt of China to invade the island. The establishment of Sino-American diplomatic relations that followed also fostered the democratization of Taiwan. Other foreign factors, which had slightly less influence on democratization of Taiwan, should be mentioned as well. The "Chinese" factor is one of them. Its indirect influence was huge, though direct influence is hard to evaluate due to the absence of formal relations between China and Taiwan. In order to escape diplomatic isolation Taiwan should strive to preserve contacts and relations of any form and kind with other nations, as well its membership in international organizations, or, otherwise, its independent existence will be under a giant threat.

Статья посвящена самому драматичному периоду в истории Внутренней Монголии началу Культурной революции. Политическое противостояние правительства Внутренней Монголии и центрального правительства Китая привело к свержению монгольского лидера Уланху и введению военного положения в регионе. ; The beginning of the Cultural Revolution in China was not only the most dramatic period in the history of Inner Mongolia, but it also triggered the deterioration of relations between the central government of China and the local government of Inner Mongolia. The main goal of the Cultural Revolution in Inner Mongolia was the purging of the political cadres, which directly concerned Ulanhu and his fellows. The central government was afraid of the comparative political independence of Hohhot, and the political pressure of the central government forced the local Mongolian government to take the side of the Cultural Revolution. After that step, the Mongolian leader discrediting campaign was launched in mass media; later in 1966, Ulanhu was removed from the head position of the Mongolian branch of the CPC. He was accused of national unity desolation and wrong comprehension of the Cultural Revolution. Afterward, the CPC made an order to create pro-Maoist guardsmen groups of the Cultural Revolution the Red Guards that were sent to the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region and other regions of China with the purpose of "purging the old cadres" propaganda. The pro-Maoist Red Guards faced with the resistance of not only the local administration elite but also local citizens. In Hohhot, the capital of Inner Mongolia, the Red Guards organized a lot of demonstrations trying to engage more local citizens by slogans that discredited the local Mongolian government activities. Such demonstrations were cores of tension between pro-Maoists and local citizens. One of the demonstrations led to victims among students, the Red Guards and local workers. This event forced the central government to bring the troops of the People's Liberation Army into Hohhot and to impose curfew in the city. During the curfew, tortures of assumed suspects in anti-revolution activity were conducted. Hans and Mongols were among the suspects. Moreover, the tensions between Ulanhu's fellows and the troops of the People's Liberation Army continued in Hohhot. These events were a ground for Ulanhu's arrest and removal of his fellows from the head positions in the Inner Mongolia government. After the arrest of Ulanhu, Deng Haiqing was appointed the new leader of the Inner Mongolian Autonomous Region who led the policy that was fully supervised by Beijing. The result of the political struggle was the establishment of revolution committees in the cities and villages of Inner Mongolia. Moreover, due to the possibility of spreading the tensions in the other areas of the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region, the central government made a decision to hand over some regions of Inner Mongolia to the neighboring Chinese provinces, due to which the Inner Mongolia Autonomous Region lost the biggest part of its territory.

Статья посвящена аспекту развития гуманитарного сотрудничества как одного из весомых факторов интеграции в формате ОДКБ. В настоящее время именно гуманитарное сотрудничество обладает свойством, позволяющим цементировать любые виды кооперации. При этом важное значение имеет также ценностная ориентация, которая создает основу для интеграции и позитивного результата в ходе межгосударственного и международного сотрудничества. Освещается необходимость разработ-ки внятной, четко очерчивающей идеологической составляющей ОДКБ, которая была бы понятной как государствам-членам, так и международным партнерам. Усиление гуманитарного сотрудничества в виде безукоризненного соблюдения норм политической культуры, уважения и сохранения многообразия цивилизаций в мире, а также признания многовариантности путей развития разных стран, должны выгодно отличать различные евразийские объединения, в том числе ОДКБ, от западных, и особенно, североамериканских интеграционных проектов. Акцентируется внимание на аспекте борьбы за влияние в культурном и образовательном пространстве Центральной Азии. В настоящее время в университетах и других высших учебных заведениях Центральной Азии открываются всевозможные центры по изучению различных языков мира - английского, немецкого, японского, французского. Все большую популярность в последнее время приобретает китайский язык. Многие студенты уезжают в Китай на учебу, оценивая перспективы своего профессионального роста и дальнейшего трудоустройства. Большое количество американских, европейских и азиатских грантов и программ по обмену студентами и аспирантами буквально изобилуют в новых независимых государствах Центральной Азии, что неизбежно приводит к «вымыванию» перспективных и высококвалифицированных специалистов. ; The article is devoted to the development dimension of humanitarian cooperation as one of the biggest factors in the integration of the CSTO. Currently, it has the property of humanitarian cooperation, allowing all types of cement cooperation. At the same time it is also important value orientation, which provides a framework for integration and a positive result in interstate and international cooperation. The need to develop a coherent, clearly outlining the ideological component of the CSTO is highlighted, which would be understandable to both Member States and international partners. Strengthening of humanitarian cooperation in the form of compliance with impeccable political culture, respect and safeguard the variety of civilizations in the world, as well as the recognition of multiple routes of different countries should favorably distinguish different Eurasian union, including the CSTO, of the western and particularly North American integration projects. The attention is focused on the aspect of struggle for the influence in cultural and educational space of Central Asia. Currently, universities and other institutions of higher education in Central Asia have opened various centers for the study of different languages English, German, Japanese, and French. The increasing popularity is gaining Chinese nowadays. Many students go to China to study, assessing the prospects of their professional growth and further employment. A large number of American, European and Asian grants and programs for the exchange of students and postgraduates are rich in the newly independent states of Central Asia, which inevitably leads to a «washout» of promising and highly qualified specialists.

Рассматривается вопрос о приоритетах внешней политики СССР в 1924 г. через призму публикаций на международные темы в старейшей российской региональной газете «Красноярский рабочий». Тема дипломатического признания представлена через сопоставление отношения СССР к странам Запада и Китаю. В анализе материала газетных публикаций акцент сделан на особенности процесса формирования общественных представлений советских людей в сфере международных отношений, объяснении мотивов поведения западных стран и Китая в отношении Советского Союза, и наоборот, а также риторике публикаций. ; The issue of external policy priorities of the USSR in 1924 is viewed through the prism of publications of the oldest regional Russian newspaper "Krasnoyarsk Worker" devoted to the international relations. The problem of diplomatic recognition is observed with the comparison of the relations of the USSR and Western countries and China. At this work the general review of the newspaper issues from 1923 to 1924 on problems of external policy of the Soviet country is presented. On the base of the comparative-historical analysis of newspaper publications theme priorities are found out and the balance of western and eastern directions of the USSR policy at the first part of 1920s is defined. The process of shaping of public perceptions of regional papers' readers in the sphere of international relations is overviewed. Moreover, the rhetoric of publications is analyzed and the range of incentive motives that made the process of recognition of the Soviet state inevitable according to the "Krasnoyarsk Worker" is researched. It is concluded that the newspaper solved the problems of informational support of the most important events of external policy on the regional level shaping correct (according to the party plank) perception of events or processes. Because of such a position the newspaper acted as an exposer of the "imperial" policy of western countries. The major volume of publications from 1923 to 1924 is devoted to Germany depicting the reparation crisis and proletarian struggle at the cutting edge. Among personalities they highlighted Raymond Poincare who was shown as a cruel imperialist and a reactionary manipulating both western countries and China. Generally, even the amount of publications on the certain theme formed the hierarchy among problems and objectives of the Soviet external policy. As a result Chinese issues are out of the cutting edge in the newspaper. The data about China is the poorest and unvaried. The number of these publications is directly dependent on success of L. Karakhan's mission. All of major publications are keynote conceptually expanding the Soviet authorities' views towards Germany, Great Britain, France or China. Semantic duality, ideological cliches, and presenting information in a false way admittedly but in an advantageous propagandistic way were typical for the publications of the newspaper in general. "Krasnoyarsk Worker" solved the problem of explanation of the governmental policy and shaping it in a way of public perceptions of major events including international ones.

В статье с помощью ретроспективного метода анализа изучается ситуация в Азиатско-Тихоокеанском регионе в год 70-летия окончания Второй мировой войны. Дан краткий исторический обзор причин и характера этой войны, анализируется, как зарождался и развивался японский милитаризм, какая была международная обстановка на Дальнем Востоке в первой половине XX в. Показаны планы Токио по захвату чужих территорий. Рассмотрены Японо-китайская война 1937-1945 гг., подготовка Японии к войне с Советским Союзом, её участие в военном блоке с фашистской Германией и Италией, военные операции Японии против США и Великобритании на Тихом океане, решающая роль США и СССР в разгроме японского милитаризма во Второй мировой войне, капитуляция Японии, её оккупация Соединёнными Штатами Америки, отношения Японии и США после окончания войны. Анализируются роль японо-американского договора безопасности, японо-китайские и японо-корейские отношения (территориальный спор Японии с Китаем и Республикой Корея), а также советско-российско-японские отношения после войны и в настоящее время. В качестве самого главного препятствия диалога Японии и РФ названы проблема мирного договора и территориальные разногласия (позиции стран в споре по т.н. северным территориям). Сделан вывод, что международная обстановка в АТР в последнее время заметно осложнилась из-за соперничества США, Китая и Японии за лидерство в регионе, а также из-за сложных отношений между Японией, Китаем и двумя государствами на Корейском полуострове. ; Using retrospective analysis, the paper studies the situation in the Pacific Rim in the year of the 70th anniversary of the end of World War II. A brief historical review of reasons and nature of the war is given; the author analyzes how Japanese militarism emerged and developed, what the international climate in the first half of the 20th century in the Far East was like. Tokyo's plans on acquisition of other lands' territories are shown. The author discusses the Second Sino-Japanese War of 1937-1945, Japan's preparation to the war with the Soviet Union, the country's participation in the military alliance with fascist Germany and Italy, Japan's military operations against the USA and UK in the Pacific, USA's and USSR's decisive role in crushing defeat of the Japanese militarism in World War II, Japan's capitulation and occupation by the USA, and US-Japanese relationships after the war's end. The role of Security Treaty between the United States and Japan, post-war and contemporary Japanese-Chinese and Japanese-Korean relationships (Japan's territorial disputes with China and Republic of Korea) and Soviet-Russian-Japanese relationships are analyzed. The peace treaty issue and territorial disputes (the countries' positions in the dispute on the so-called Northern Territories) are identified as the key drag to the dialogue between Japan and the Russian Federation. The author draws a conclusion that international situation in the Pacific Rim has become noticeably more complicated due to the competition between the USA, China and Japan for leadership in the region and complicated relationships between Japan, China and two states on Korean Peninsula.