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This essay delves into the phenomenon of the "unveiling of Sufis" and traces Yaman Dede's journey to becoming a dervish within the Mavlavī Order in the Republic of Turkey. The Mavlavī Order, a longstanding Islamic Sufi tradition dedicated to preserving the spiritual teachings of Mevlānā Jalāl ad-Dīn Rūmī and his successors for over seven centuries, faced challenges under Turkey's secularization policies in 1925. This essay explores the extent to which the Mavlavī Order could practice its religious rituals within the secular framework of the Turkish Republic. Additionally, it examines the compelling appeal of the Mavlavī Order to seekers, worshippers, and intellectuals, a call that resonated deeply with Yaman Dede, a Christian Orthodox individual from Anatolia. Through biographical insights into Yaman Dede's identity quest amidst the backdrop of his conversion story, the essay sheds light on his inner turmoil caused by the clash of two faiths, ultimately leading to personal reconciliation as he embraced the path of a Mavlavī dervish. The latter part of the essay delves into the dynamics of the master-disciple relationship, with a focus on the interaction between Remzi Dede and Yaman Dede as a case study. Furthermore, it explores the enduring intellectual legacy of Yaman Dede and its impact on shaping the contemporary Sufi tradition in Turkey.

Why were Christian democratic unions (CDUs) among workers and farmers more proactive in some Western European states than in others? Marxist theories explain union activity by industrialization. However, CDUs were not the most active in the late 19th century in rapidly industrializing states, e.g., Italy and Germany. Using social identity theory and Lipset's & Rokkan's cleavage theory, this paper conducts process tracing on the German, French, Italian, Dutch, and Belgian cases to test the following argument: CDUs were more likely to develop in states where anticlerical attacks unleashed a center-periphery conflict. CDUs are less likely to expand in states where anticlerical attacks precipitated a church-state conflict. The presence of a Catholic minority moderated this relationship. In the Protestant-dominant states, Catholicism allowed for mobilizing individuals and maintaining cohesion. The Lutheran states' hostility toward Catholic activism and the regional concentration of the minority accentuated this denominational difference, which catalyzed CDU development.

East and West; Modernism (Christian theology); Islam; Turkey

anemon ; It cannot be denied that the Arab Spring has started a very important transformation process in the Middle East but it is very difficult to expect that this transformation will lead to a democratic change within a very short period of time and contribute to a democratic development in the sense of Western experience. Transition from oppressive and authoritarian regimes to a democratic regime does not take place in a short period of time through uprising and revolution. Democracy is a phenomenon that requires possession of democratic culture and tolerance rather than accepting it as a regime. Besides, the ethnic and religious structure of the countries taking part in Arab Spring is different from each other. In some of those countries, ethnic and religious demands come before the desire for democracy and democratic aspirations. For instance, the Kurds in Syria, who do not have even identity cards and have not been considered as citizens until recently, demand the recognition of the Kurds as a national entity and their participation to Syria government, while Sunni Muslims in Syria essentially want to put an end to the Shiite dictatorship and to establish a majority regime under their rule. On the other hand, the major fear of Syrian Christians is that the Sunni majority government which will be potentially established after the collapse of Assad regime will not recognize their basic rights. In this paper we will focus on different and contradicting demands of Kurds, Christians, Sunni and Shiite Muslims in Syria ; Arap Baharı'nın Ortadoğu'da çok önemli bir değişim sürecini başlattığı inkâr edilemez. Ancak bu değişimin kısa bir süre içinde demokratik bir dönüşüme yol açması ve Batılı anlamda demokrasilerin gelişmesine katkı sağlamasını beklemek oldukça zordur. Baskıcı ve totaliter rejimlerden demokratik rejimlere geçiş, bir ayaklanma veya bir devrimle kısa bir süre içinde olabilecek bir durum değil. Demokrasi, bir rejimin kabullenmesinden ziyade demokratik bir kültüre sahip olmayı gerektiren bir olgudur. Ayrıca Arap Baharı zincirine dâhil olan ülkelerin etnik ve dini yapılanmaları birbirinden çok farklıdır. Kimi ülkelerde etnik ve dini talepler, demokrasi ve demokratik taleplerden önce gelmektedir. Örneğin Suriye'de, daha yakın zamana kadar kimliği bile olmayıp vatandaş kategorisinde yer almayan Kürtlerin en önemli önceliği ulusal varlıklarının tanınması ve yönetimde pay sahibi olmak iken, Sünnilerin temel amacı Şii diktatörlüğe son verip kendilerinin yönetimde olacağı bir çoğunluk rejiminin kurulmasıdır. Suriye'deki Hıristiyanların en büyük korkusu Esat rejiminin yıkılmasının ardında iktidarı devralacak Sünni çoğunluğun Hıristiyan azınlığa yaşam tanımamasıdır. Çünkü bizler her çoğunluk rejiminin demokratik bir rejim olmadığını çok iyi biliyoruz. ; 22361

Syriac Christians; Turkey; history