Suchergebnisse

The article describes the declension of nouns in a translated work of the middle of the 17th century, known as the Blau Atlas. This text was translated from Latin in Moscow in the late 50s - early 60s of the 17th century by Kiev scribes led by Epiphanius Slavinetsky and rewritten by Moscow scribes. The translation was carried out after the publication of the Moscow edition of Smotrytsky's grammar and was largely focused on it. The article shows that both the translators themselves and the scribes of the text knew the norms of grammar, used it when working on the text and in most cases sought to strictly observe the prescribed rules. The system of declension of nouns, presented in the Moscow edition of grammar, differs from the grammatical works published in Southwestern Russia, with which the Kiev scribes were familiar. In the translation carried out in Moscow, educated Kiev translators took into account the discrepancies between the works and were guided by Moscow norms; in addition, they introduced their ideas about grammatical variation, built their own declension system. The article will consider paradigms that reflect the orientation towards the Moscow grammar of 1648; further on, it will be demonstrated how the Kievan scribes build their own system of opposing one paradigm to another, striving to eliminate the variability inherent in the grammar. At the end, a significant discrepancy between drafts and final versions is considered, which also reflects a different degree of orientation towards Moscow grammar. The approach of translators to the text, in our opinion, can attribute the text created by them to the scientific register of the Church Slavonic language, formed just in the middle of the 17th century.

The article reveals the peculiarities of the relationship between the Russian system of general education and the Russian Orthodox Church as a signifi cant social institution in a diffi cult period of political and economic transformations for Russia. The factors of the school's appeal to cooperation with the Church are substantiated, the mechanisms of formation and regulatory settlement of contractual relations, public assessment are revealed.

This article considers Russian Catholicism as a system of views characterized by the need for an independent Church authority, the special role of the Catholic Church in the history of Europe, and the importance of the unity of Churches around the Pope. Given all this, the article analyzes the criteria by which V.S. Solovyov could be included within the representatives of Russian Catholicism, albeit his confessional affiliation to the Catholic Church still remains controversial. The main part of this text is devoted to V.S. Solovyov's relationship with the key issues of Russian Catholicism, i.e. the understanding of church unity, authority, and infallibility; the hierarchy's and laity's participation in the preservation of doctrinal truths; and finally the truth criteria for the decisions taken by the Ecumenical Councils. While these questions have been already raised in the writings of the main ideologist of philocatholicism, P.Y. Chaadayev, this article also demonstrates the way in which they occupy a crucial place in the heritage of the Russian Catholicism's representatives from the last half of the 19th century: i.e. I.S. Gagarin and E.G. Volkonskaya. As a conclusion of this analysis, V.S. Solovyov's views – which he expressed in his 1880s works – on the Church authority and on the special powers of Roman pontifices seem to partially converge with those of the conservative Russian Catholics. However, it is still possible to recognize a number of discrepancies between the two positions. These discrepancies would subsequently lead Solovyov to distance himself from Catholic apologetics to pursue a different approach in the understanding of Church infallibility. In this regard, an examination of Solovyov's triads will be the key to identify the transformation, within his ecclesiological ideas, of the functions of secular and church authorities as well as of the need for an additional link between Christ and the believers.

Purpose. The article analyzes the formation and development of the system of General education in Quebec in the XIX century, the socio-cultural and political context, which played a crucial role in the development of the system of Quebec Francophone education and determined its forms and content.Methodology of work. The study was carried out on the basis of a General scientific systematic approach, taking into account the principle of historicism.Results. The sociocultural and political context of Quebec in the nineteenth century is marked by two antinomies. The first antinomy is based on the linguistic confrontation between the Francophones and Anglo-phonons of Quebec. The basis of the second antinomy is religious; it is constructed by the opposition of the Catholic and Protestant churches. These sociocultural aspects played a crucial role in the development of the Francophone education system in Quebec, the main characteristic of which is the linguistic and religious separateness. The Catholic Church of Quebec during the XIX century created a coherent multi-level system of general francophone education, including primary, secondary and higher education.Practical implications. The results of the study can be used in scientific and educational activities in lecture courses on the history of the French language and the history of pedagogy, in special courses on various aspects of Francophonie. ; Цель. Целью настоящей статьи выступает анализ социокультурного контекста развития общей системы образования в Квебеке, выявление особенностей становления системы франкофонного образования в данном регионе, описание ее структуры.Методология проведения работы. Исследование осуществлялось на основе общенаучного системного подхода с учетом принципа историзма.Результаты. Сложившийся в Квебеке в XIX столетии социокультурный и политический контекст отмечен двумя антиномиями. В основе первой антиномии стоит языковое противостояние франкофонов и англофонов Квебека. Основа второй антиномии – религиозная; ее конструирует противостояние католической и протестантской церквей. Указанные социокультурные аспекты сыграли решающую роль в развитии системы франкофонного образования в Квебеке, основной характеристикой которой выступает языковая и конфессиональная обособленность. Католическая церковь Квебека создает на протяжении XIX века целостную многоуровневую систему общего франкофонного образования, включающего начальное, среднее и высшее ступени образования.Область применения результатов. Результаты исследования могут применяться в научной и учебно-педагогической деятельности в лекционных курсах по истории французского языка и истории педагогики, в рамках спецкурсов, посвященных различным аспектам франкофонии.

The article analyses the discussion, which developed on pages of capital and regional press, about place and role of Сhurch in the system of social and political relations of the Russian Empire before the I World War. ; В статье рассматривается дискуссия о месте и роли Церкви в системе социально-политических отношений Российской империи, развернувшаяся на страницах столичной и региональной прессы накануне Первой мировой войны.

На протяжении веков универсальной, консолидирующей, мотивационно-инспирирующей силой во многих общественных системах выступала церковь. Поэтому ее мощный духовный потенциал становится особенно остро востребован в периоды общественных кризисов, трансформаций и нестабильности. Однако он до сих пор остается до конца не изученным и не исследованным в отечественной политологической мысли. Особенно мало исследованным остается такой важный поворотный момент в истории христианской церкви, как начало ее преобразование в один из основных политических институтов политической системы древнерусского общества. Изучению данного факта и посвящена предлагаемая статья ; The Church was the universal, unifying, motivational andinspiring force in many social systems for centuries. So itspowerful spiritual potential is particularly acute in demand intimes of social crises, transformations and instability. However,this potential is still not fully known, and was not used in thenational political science practice. Such an important momentin the history of the Christian church as the beginning of itstransformation into one of the main institutions of the politicalsystem of ancient society is especially little studied. The proposedarticle is devoted to the exploration of this fact.Since its formation and development of ecclesiasticalorganization of Kievan Rus became actively involved in politicallife and quickly became avatar the state, contributing to itsformation, integration, consolidation and development.However, this process wasn't painless. According to mosthistorians, in some regions of Rus Christianity was literallyforced upon, and in some states, such as Novgorod, Suzdal, socialprotests against the new religion took the form of religious andpolitical struggle. But in this case the church should not be putto blame of social protests and irregularities. On the contrary,there is evidence that the church has served as the stabilizationof the system during its transformation into a feudal society.For example, the church organization had sufficiently flexiblepolicy, which includes the protection for the most disadvantagedgroups of the population of the Old Russian state. With methodsavailable to her, it rose against the feudal arbitrariness, hardextortions from the people and extremes of the social life of thetime. Such activity, of course, was not completely effective, butstill objectively helped to smooth the social contradictions andmaintain a relatively stable and peaceful situation in the country.This article is particularly pointed out to such politicalfunctions of the church, as legitimating, integrative, culturetranslating,philosophical, communicative, psychotherapeuticand educational. This function certainly evolved over time,depending on the prevailing historical and political situation(for example, the balance of political forces, the national interest,national status of the church, etc.). ; Впродовж століть універсальною, консолідуючою,мотиваційно-інспіруючою силою в багатьох суспільнихсистемах виступала церква. Тому її потужнього духовногопотенціалу в рамках політичного функціонування особливогостро потребують періоди суспільних криз, трансформаційі нестабільності. Проте, цей потенціал й досі залишаєтьсямало вивченим та дослідженим у вітчизняній політологічнійдумці. Зокрема, мало дослідженим залишається такийважливий поворотний момент в історії християнськоїцеркви, як початок перетворення церковної організації водин з головних політичних інститутів соціально-політичноїсистеми давньоруського суспільства. Дослідженню даногофеномену і присвячена пропонована стаття.

Using archival sources, the author examines the urgent problem of the spread of common belief and, accordingly, the transition conditions of the Old Believersin it. Common Faith Church was one of the most common methods of struggle of the government and the official Orthodox Church with "developing a split." In the 19th century the Tomsk province was able to create 13 Churches of Common Faith. However, the conversion of the Old Believers in the Church of Common Faith as well as keeping people there often wore a voluntative character. Active use of administrative and police apparatus allowed local officials and clergy of the Synod of the Church to quickly form the Parish of Common Faith, to achieve official recognition, honors and state cash prize. Common Faith Church was supposed to exist in the alien to it official Orthodoxy system with its anti-split" paradigm. The Common Believers were severely restricted in their rights. They resented their dual status: they were neither nikonians, nor Old Believers. Accordingly, the Common Faith did not receive the expected wide- scaled spread. On unconditional rights only a small part of the Old Believers accepted the Common Faith.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2017)5-08 ; Используя архивные источники, автор рассматривает актуальную проблему условий распространения единоверия и, соответственно, условий перехода в него староверов. Единоверческая церковь была одним из распространенных способов борьбы государственной власти и официальной православной церкви с «развивающимся расколом». В XIX в. на территории Томской губернии удалось создать 13 единоверческих церквей. Однако зачисление старообрядцев в единоверческую церковь часто происходило насильственно. Также насильственным было и удержание в ней. Активное использование административно-полицейского аппарата позволяло местным чиновникам и служителям синодальной церкви быстро сформировать единоверческий приход, добиться служебного признания, почетных наград и государственной денежной премии. Единоверческая церковь должна была существовать в чуждой для нее системе казенного православия с ее «противораскольнической» парадигмой. Единоверцы были ограничены в своих правах. Они тяготились своим двойственным статусом: и не никониане, и не старообрядцы. Соответственно, единоверие, вопреки ожиданиям властей, не получило большого распространения. На безусловных правах в единоверие вступила лишь незначительная часть старообрядцев.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2017)5-08

Представлен анализ причин создания Омской епархии, синодальный указ об образовании которой был подписан в 1895 г. Заявленная проблема является актуальной, так как в результате присоединения территории Южного Казахстана и Северной Киргизии к Российской империи было завершено формирование административно-территориального устройства Западной Сибири. Русской православной церкви, являвшейся одним из основных политических институтов государства, отводилось важное место в системе духовного управления регионом и реализации политики русификации. Поэтому в Западной Сибири к концу XIX в. была оформлена и система епархиального устройства Русской православной церкви, которая территориально соответствовала губернскому административному устройству. В связи с этим выявление причин появления в конце XIX в. на карте Западной Сибири новой церковной единицы — Омской епархии представляет определенный научный интерес. На основе анализа широкого круга источников и литературы автор выделяет ряд причин данного исторического события. Главной из них, по мнению исследователя, стал процесс завершения формирования центральноазиатской границы Российской империи и образования Степного генерал-губернаторства в 1882 г. Создание новой административно-территориальной единицы потребовало ее включения в сферу деятельности Русской православной церкви. Еще одной немаловажной причиной образования Омской епархии стала крестьянская колонизация казахской степи, начавшаяся в 80–90‑е гг. XIX в., которая привела к резкому увеличению численности православного населения региона. Кроме этого, автор к числу причин образования относит и этнорелигиозную неоднородность Степного края и необходимость работы Русской православной церкви среди старообрядческого, сектантского и мусульманского населения.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2016)2-25 ; This article is an attempt to analyze the reasons for the creation of the Eparchy (diocese) of Omsk in 1895, with the synodal decree being issued and signed. The stated problem is urgent, since in this period of time the annexation of the Southern Kazakhstan territory to the Russian Empire completed, and the administrative-territorial unit system of West Siberia was formed. Russian Orthodox Church, one of the main political institutions of the state, played an important role in the spiritual aspect of the control system in the region and the process of Russification there. Therefore, a new administrativeterritorial structure of the Russian Orthodox Church consistent with the provincial administrative and territorial structure was formed by the end of the 19th century in West Siberia. In this regard, the identification of the causes which led to a new church unity appearing on the map of West Siberia in the late 19th century is of great scientific interest. Based on the analysis of a wide range of documents and literature, the author identifies a number of reasons for this historic event. According to the researcher, the most significant was the process of making the Central Asian borders of the Russian Empire and the formation of the Governor-generalship of the Steppes. This new administrative-territorial unit demanded its inclusion in the scope of activities of the Russian Orthodox Church. Another important reason for the formation of the Eparchy of Omsk was peasant colonization of the Kazakh steppe, which began in the late 19th century. This led to a sharp increase in the number of the Orthodox population of the region. Among other causes are ethnic and religious heterogeneity of the steppe, and the need to spread the influence of the Russian Orthodox Church among the Old Believers, sectarian and Muslim population.DOI 10.14258/izvasu(2016)2-25

The article analyzes the external and internal aspects of intercultural and interreligious dialogue in Catholic communities on the example of the Russian parishes of the RCC. Given the complex organizational structure of the Catholic Church, which includes the Vatican Curia, local dioceses in specific countries and regions, and local parishes, the system of interactions associated with cultural exchange and its regulation by pastoral manuals and documents turns out to be multi-stage and complex. Taking into account the geographical position and historical development of the Russian Catholic communities, they become an interesting object for sociological research.

The research is devoted to the analysis of the landownership system of palace in Kazan district in the second half of the 16th century. The author dwells upon the features of palace village such as the granary or the Orthodox church. The church was mandatory attribute for villages with the local population professing the Orthodox religion. The next passage covers the information on the legal status of the land of the palace in the legislation and the cadasters. Further we can learn the ways of forming land of the palace in the district. The composition of the lands of palace was not permanent. Firstly, the formation of the fund land of the palace administration occurred as a result of seizures of other forms of ownership with the change of their status. Secondly, the peasant land was transferred to the category of palace. Land of the palace administration was actively transferred into the possession of the temporal and monasteries landowners. The next part contains the data on documentation of land ownership in the cadasters. The author reconstructs the composition of palace settlements in the 1560s and reviews the domains at the end of the 16th - early 17th century. In the end, overview of this type of land tenure shows an important role in the integration of multinational region in Moscow State and the economic development of the region. (author's abstract)

International audience ; The collective work presents the study and publicationof excavated materials of an archaeologically known twoapsechurch from the first half of the 9th to the first half ofthe 10th century at the top of the Tuzluk Hill in the Yedi Evlerarea, Crimean Peninsula, near the village of Semidvorie(Alushta, Crimea, Ukraine). This sanctuary was linked tothe large agricultural and pottery producing settlement thatexisted in this economically developed and populous regionin the second half of the 8th/9th - first half of the 10th century.The settlement was situated 150-250 meters to the east andsoutheast from the church. Just 350 meters southeast fromthe church was a medieval cemetery of the "Suuksu" typeof the 7th – 8th / 9th (?) centuries existed which was left by thepopulation usually identified as Crimean Goths tribes.In 2007, an area of around 96 m2 was investigated andchurch ruins and surrounding cultural layer were studied.The stratigraphical analysis managed to identify here 44archaeological layers or contexts, one medieval grave withdouble burials, and a Bronze Age cultual place. The studyof ruins shows that the sanctuary was rebuilt multiple times.The church consisted of two communicating compartmentsof different sizes. As for characteristic features, the southernmain apse is bigger in size than the northern one, andthere was an entrance in the main part of the church throughthe northern compartment as well as two other doorwaysfrom the west and from the south. The western portal of thenorthern compartment was completely open and no traces ofwall masonry here were attested. In contrast to the southerncompartment, the foundation of the northern part was cutin natural. The three-layer masonry wall was made of localpoor faceted rectangular stones of various sizes. For buildingmortar, mud solutions with clay loam as a binder elementwere mostly used. The inside of the southern churchwalls was plastered with lime mortar, which in some placesis preserved in situ, and painted with red linear and geometricpatterns including letters or even inscriptions that aretoday illegible. The roof likely had two slopes covered bylocally made tiles of different types.The overall dimensions of the church were: width – 5.60-5.70 m, length - 8.50 m. The thickness of the wall was about0.7 m. Structure remains are preserved to a height of 0.80 m.Both apses have shoulders connecting apsidal semicirclesand walls. The external diameter of the southern apse is 2.13m. The internal dimension of the southern main compartmentis 2.34×4.15 м. The external diameter of the northernapse is 1.20 m, while the internal is 0.63 m. The width in thewestern part of the northern compartment is 1.34 m, and inthe eastern part it is reduced to 1.26 m. The church was orientedto the northeast. The azimuth of its central axis is 47°,which roughly corresponds to the azimuth point of sunriseduring the summer solstice for Crimean latitude.SUMMARYIn the first chapter, written by V. Kirilko, the buildinghistory of the church and its architectural peculiarities arepresented. The double apse sanctuary belongs to the relativelyrare type of churches of the Middle Byzantine periodthat could be described as a two-apse church with unequalapses of different sizes. G. Dimitrokallis (1976), the authorof the most representative corpus of double apse byzantinesanctuaries, classified them as "pseudobiconques." Thereare some examples of double apse churches in the Crimea(Sotera near Alushta, Sudak, Funa near Luchistoe settlement,Chembalo fortress in Balaklava). Yet, these sanctuariesmainly date back to the 14th century, with the one exceptionbeing the Sotera church that belonged to the periodof the 8th-10th century, and none of them provides an exactparallel to the church of Yedi Evler.During the short period of its history, the church wascompletely rebuilt at least once. The first building periodinvolved the creation of the main southern church with theapse and the three entrances from the west, south and north.It is highly likely that the church was intentionally conceivedby priests, ktitores or the Christian community as a doubleapse and two-part building. Immediately after the perfectionof the southern church, the additional northern compartmentwith open western portal and separate apse was added. Thispart of the church was connected to the main church via aspecial doorway in the wall dividing the compartment thatpreviously served as the northern entrance to the southernchurch. In fact, the second building period is distinguishedonly theoretically as a final step in the construction of thechurch. The chronology of the first two periods of the building'shistory, based mainly on the study of pottery and ceramicmaterials from the complex, dates back to the firsthalf of the 9th century, or more precisely the second-third tothe middle of the century.After a short period the church was completely destroyed,most likely due to inadequate construction worksor an earthquake. The third building period is determined as860-880s, when the sanctuary was rebuilt and reconstructed.After reconstruction, the northern compartment was buriedby earth and ruined stones and preserved according tocanon law practices for unused sacral Christian objects. Inthe third building period, the northern part was not active asa liturgical zone. The sanctuary became an ordinary ruralByzantine one-apse, one-nave church. A narthex was constructedin the eastern part of the sanctuary. The doorwaybetween the southern and northern parts was closed off bywall masonry. During the third building period, only twoentrances — the southern and western — were still active.The main entrance was the southern one, which was addedby a wooden apprentice. After the second deterioration ofthe church in the first half of the 10th century, no more renovations were carried out. The ruins were reused by the localpopulation for ordinary purposes no earlier than in the secondhalf of the 14th -15th century, as pottery fragments fromthe ruins show. Most probably, the narthex and apse wereused at this time as a temporary living structure in what isregarded in the chapter as the fourth building period. Theauthor proposes graphical reconstruction of the sanctuaryaccording to fourth building periods and shows architecturalparallels to this building among contemporary churches ofthe Northern Caucasus and Minor Asia.Chapter two, author I. Teslenko, deals with the stratigraphyof the site and description of archaeological layers.The analysis of excavated materials provided in the chapterallowed for the presentation of all steps of anthropogenicactivity on the Tuzluk Hill from the Bronze Age to moderntimes. The description of materials is organized by archaeologicallayers, with general characteristics of different findsincluded. Every layer inside and outside the church is attributedto a corresponding building period. A hypothesison the formation of each layer and its causes are also given.The most important layers are linked to two dilapidationsof the church, and some of them are attributed to regular liturgicallife and different rituals practiced in and around thesanctuary. Several layers may be left from construction andreconstruction works. A detailed description of the archaeologicalfinds and a cultural and liturgical interpretation ofstructures, layers and bones are given in the next chapters.In the third chapter, I. Teslenko provides an analysis ofceramic and pottery materials from the church. During theexcavation, 2,589 fragments of roof tiles and kalypters (55%of all ceramic materials), 637 fragments of kitchen and tablewares (13.5%) and 1,485 pieces of pithoi and amphora (31.5%) were recorded. Among them 9 intact rectangular rooftiles that were still preserved and 5 kalypters can be fragmentarilyreconstructed. Several tiles have a constructionsign or craftsmen marks as tridents and Greek letters «λ»,«ρ», «π» «В», «V». A theoretical estimation on the numberof tiles, including kalypters for covering the roof, has beendone. The amount is between 374 tiles / 376 kalypters and396 tiles / 397 kalypters in the second and third buildingperiod respectively. Accordingly, in the second period theweight of the roof was about 3893-3897 kg, for the thirdperiod – 4118-4122 kg.Nearly all excavated ceramic materials came from localproduction. The author lists the characteristics and providesa description of clay pottery and ceramic items, which showtwo craftsmen traditions. The first one emerged locally andis characteristic of primitive treatments, the use of a handpottery wheel and unsatisfactory baking. The second craftsmentradition reflects well-organized, high-technology commodityproduction oriented on the external wine trade. It ispresented specially by amphora. Today, there are more than40 known pottery workshops with high-technology kilns inthe southern part of the Crimean peninsula. Such a potterytradition was most likely brought here in the 8th-9th centuryfrom Minor Asia. The author discusses chronologies ofvarious types of local pottery, particularly amphora, and hemakes comparisons to groups of amphora known from differentregions of the Byzantine World. Local amphoras arepresented by so-called "Black Sea type" (second variant),which was produced until the mid-10th century, according tothe author. At the archaeological site, only two fragments ofimported pottery have been recorded: the bottom of a highneck brown clay jug with wide flat handles, no earlier thanthe mid-9th century, and a fragment of Glazed White Ware II,according to J.W. Hayes, from 10th century Constantinople.The kitchen pottery which were in use in Khazar kaganateis also absent. Ceramic finds in the church date back mainlyto the end of 8th-10th century; only several fragments of twored glazed sgraffito bowls and one fragment of a brown unglazedpot come from the 14th-15th century.The fourth chapter presented by I. Teslenko and A.Musin describes and studies the collection of glass lampfragments (342 items) that are partially not indentified.The bulk (91%) of the lamps comes from the third buildingperiod and is concentrated near the southern entrance tothe church, where the liturgy should start. Precisely withinthe same zone, micropieces of flint made by strike-a-lightfor making "liturgical fire" were recorded, and kitchen andbone remains from community meals were also attested.Glass lamps are presented by two main groups: polycandelonor beaker-shaped lamps with hollow stems, and singlelamps with handles on the rim. All lamps have close parallelsamong glass finds from other Middle Byzantine sanctuaries,for instance, Myra-Demre in Turkey, Thessaloniki inGreece, Chersoneses in Crimea, etc. The glass is mainly coloredlight green and blue. A slowly increased percentage ofpotassium oxide recorded by optical emission spectroscopymay point to glass production centers in the southeasternpart of Asia Minor or Levant.Chapter five, written by A. Musin, analyzes and classifiesmetal crosses found in the church. The excavation recordedat least 30 crosses and their fragments. Crosses wereused throughout the entire period of the church's existence.Crosses are regarded as an ex-voto offering. Most of themwere concentrated in the altar zone of the sanctuary andnear the southern entrance to the church. Two crosses wereput in wall masonry that closed the doorway between thenorthern compartment and the main church during the thirdbuilding period, evidently with apotropaic magic purposes.Presumably, crosses were suspended on the church wall oron elements of the church's interior, or inserted in them. Thecorpus of crosses is divided into five typological groups.The main group consists of iron crosses with an extendedlower branch made of two plates connected with a rivet thatderived from individual processional crosses and turned inex-voto. Some crosses with splayed arms were cut from thinsheet-metal, including copper alloy and probably silver,and decorated with punch ornamentation. Two crosses weremade of silver coins: Umayyad dirham (661 – 750 AD) andimitation of Arab-Sassanian half-drachma of the Sassanidking Kosrou II (590-629 AD).The two last groups of crosses can be compared to thecrosses of the type 1.2.2 according to J. Staecker found inEarly Rus' and Scandinavia in the 10th – 11th century, especiallyknown to be in graves in Birka (Sweden), Gnezdovonear Smolensk, Timerevo near Yaroslavl (Russia), Kiev,Iskorosten (Ukraine) and other political and economic centersof the formation of early medieval states in Russia andSweden. Several scholars have insisted that the crosses havean Anglo-Saxon origin and appeared in Sweden around930-940s AD with the mission of bishop Uni from BritishIslands. However, after the Yedi Evler excavation, the Byzantineorigin of these crosses is quite clear. Crosses fromEastern and Northern Europe may have been created usinga Byzantine example or brought directly from this regionin several cases. During the cultural transformation of theChristianization period, crosses that initially belonged to liturgicalpublic culture were turned in barbarian society intoprivate devotion objects and used as an element in burialcustoms.Nearly all crosses found in the Yedi Evler church haveparallels in other regions of the Byzantine Empire and theneighboring region in the Black Sea coastland, Mediterranean,Asia Minor, Northern Caucasus and Balkans. Suchex-voto crosses illustrate a special feature of post iconoclasticculture in the beginning of the Middle Byzantine period,as well as large distribution of personal reliquary-crossesof the end of the 9th – 11th century. However, prior to becomingan ex-voto offering in church interior, both types ofcrosses were generally used in private Christian devotion.It is largely accepted that the 9th -11th century was a periodof increasing individualism, social atomism and growingemphasis on personal piety. With that in mind, individualcrosses were evidence of the new post-iconoclasm Orthodoxyas a manifestation of personal activity in church lifeand a sign of the victory of polis community tradition overimperial tyranny.The process of donating personal crosses to churchesshould be regarded as a special way of reconciling personaldevotion with the liturgical needs of the local communityencouraged by Church hierarchy. The present hypothesisis confirmed by information in the Byzantine MonasticTypikons, especially that of Empress Irene Doukaina Komnenefor the Convent of the Mother of God Kecharitomenein Constantinople founded between 1100 and 1118, whichprescribed that each Saturday laymen would offer crosses-stauria in the sanctuary for the commemoration of thedeceased, and that other crosses must be brought similarlyeach Sunday on behalf of the living who are recorded on thediptychs. Crosses from the Yedi Evler church and in othercases should be regarded as an archaeological illustration ofsuch a ritual.Other small finds from the church like nails, chain linksfor the suspension of lamps, fragment of bronze wire, leadplates from a wick holder, buttons of bronze, small greenglass beads, and an iron arrow-head characteristic of EasternEurope military culture in the 10th/11th - 13th century aredescribed and analyzed in chapter six by I. Teslenko. Twoamulet-pendants found in the church that are made of clamshell of Cerithium vulgatum and tooth of deer of Cervuselaphus, which could also be offered in the sanctuary asex-voto, are presented in chapter seven by G. Gavris and I.Teslenko.Chapters eight to twelve compiled by G. Gavris, V.Logvinenko, and S. Leonov deal with bones and faunisticremains including birds, mammals, fishes, marine mollusks,and land snails recorded during the excavations. As a result,information is exhausted on the repertoire of animal sacrifices,a normal practice in rural parish Byzantine churches,and the composition of church festive meals has been determined.Among 139 identified bones of mammals, 64% belongto Ovis aries and Capra aegagrus hircus, 16% to Sus scrofadomesticus, 6% to Lepus europaeus and 2 % to Bos Taurus.Birds are presented with 148 individuals of 19 species,including 78% of Gallus domesticus and Gallus domesticussm. and an insignificant quantity of bones of Otis tarda,Cygnus olor, Perdix perdix etc.It is quite interesting to note that fishes are nearly absentfrom the collection, and consequently, on the table of parishmen who lived along the sea coast, only 13 bones ofAcipenser gueldenstaedtii and Perciformes were recorded.Evidently, bones from the excavation present the remainsof a festive meal and not an everyday diet. However, shellfishesare recorded here in 1900 fragments of Mytilus galloprovincialis(95% of mollusk) and a small number ofPatella ulyssiponensis and Ostrea lamellose. Eriphia spinifronspresented in 4-5 individuals should also be noted. Terrestrialgastropods mollusks are mainly presented by Helixalbescens (72.4%), Monacha fruticola (24.2%) Chondrulatridens (3.2%), and only one shell of Brephulopsis cylindrical.Some remarks on the distribution of animal bonesin the excavated complex will be provided in the followingchapters.In chapter thirteen, I. Teslenko proposed and arguedthe chronology of the site based mainly on pottery analysis.Coins from the 7th – mid-8th century that were used forthe manufacturing of crosses give only large terminus postquem for the church building. Amphora with small horizontalmultiple grooves on the surface well-known in Crimeanot later than the beginning - first half of the 9th century arenot recorded among the excavation materials; so the beginningof the church complex must date back to the secondthird-middle of the 9th century. The find of the fragment of ahigh neck jug with wide flat handles in layers of the secondbuilding period, and their absence later on, puts the date ofthe rebuilding of the church at 860-880 AD. The presence oflocal "Black Sea type" amphora of the second variant andthe absence of forms similar to amphora of types I and IIbaccording to N. Günsenin allow to propose the first half –mid of the 10th century as the final stage of the church's existenceand that of surrounding settlements. Another find isthe fragment of Glazed White Ware II, dated no earlier thanthe beginning of the 10th century. The history of the churchactually spans about 100 (± 20-25) years.Chapter fourteen by A. Musin discusses liturgical ritualspracticed in the sanctuary against the large background ofByzantine church culture and shows parallels from relatedterritories. To explain the meaning and origin of the two unequalapse church building in the Yedi Evler area, the authorprovides a thorough account of the phenomenon of doubleapse churches with unequal apses from Transcaucasia andthe Northern Caucasus through Asia Minor and the GreekIslands up until biapsidal churches were recorded in medievalItaly in the 9th-13th century. As a result, a conclusionhas been made that the Mediterranean World did not havea unique genesis of double apse churches. Late Antiquitychurches with two symmetrical naves and apses cannot beregarded as a direct prototype for the Yedi Evler church andrelated building. The architecture of Transcaucasia and theNorthern Caucasus sometimes gives similar features, forexample Mgvimevi, Georgia, the end of the 13th century,but all of them were built later than the monument underconsideration.The "pseudobiconques" churches with a reducednorthern apse are also known in medieval Italy and Corsicaof the 10th-12th century (see for example: San Venerio,La Spezia-Migliarina, Liguria; San Tommaso al Poggio,Rapallo, Liguria; Santa Maria della Chiappella, Rogliano,Haute-Corse; Santa Maria di Sibiola, Serdiana, Sardegna).However, they hardly could be a source of inspirationfor builders of the Yedi Evler church for cultural andchronological reasons. The Italian architecture of the "chiesebiabsidate" did, however, deeply influence the appearanceof two apse churches in Crimea and Muscovite Russia inthe end of the 14th-15th century. Nevertheless, early Italiantwo apse sanctuaries, especially with different apses and anadditional northern entrance, could initially reflect the sameprocess of the change of liturgical planning as in the YediEvler church.It should be acknowledged that "pseudobiconques"churches are not very characteristic for the Greek Island.Some indirect parallels can bee seen in the planning ofthe church of St Spyridon – Panagia Protothroni Halkia,Halki, Naxos Island; church of St Pantaleon, Kotraphi,Peloponnesus; church of St Athanasius, Phaturu, PatmosIsland; church of St Athanasius, Phaturu, Patmos Island. Inall cases, it is difficult to say whether the additional reducedcompartment was initially intended for this or that particularliturgical ritual. It is quite possible that both naves wereused for the Eucharist. However, in the Middle Byzantineperiod, the appearance of double churches of Sts John andGeorge, Sarakini, Samos, and the Monastery of St JohnChrysostomos at Koutsovendis, Cyprus can be attested.The double apse church was renewed in the 10th century inÜçayak, near Kirşehir, Central Anatolia, Turkey. The mostnotable fact is that the high density of two apse middlebyzantine churches, including the "pseudobiconques"sanctuary, is known to have existed in the ancient Pontprovince and near Trabzon, Turkey, for example in Koralla,Görele Burunu fortress or Gantopedin fortress (Matzouka,Zana Kale), Labra, Maçka Dere, near Köpruna Köy. Thisregion always had direct ties with the northern Black Seacoast and Crimea during Antiquity and Middle Ages.At the same time, the closest parallel to the Yedi Evlerchurch can be seen in the 10th-11th century double apsechurch in the Upper City of Middle Byzantine settlementin Boğazköy (Hattusa, Asia Minor), Turkey, excavated by P.Neve in the early 1980s. At the small northern compartmentthat served as the principle entrance in the southern mainchurch, obviously meant for the Eucharist, a considerablenumber of metal ex-voto crosses was recovered. Thecombination of such features attested both in Yedi Evlerand Boğazköy and the chronological coincidence cannot beaccidental.The author argued that different liturgical functions of twochurch compartments and the subsidiary role of the northernpart may be stressed by their sizes and architectural volumesand expressed in the exterior of churches in an architectonicway and by means of architecture. An additional means ofspecial organization of two parts of liturgical space involvedthe arrangement of a separate doorway to the main churchvia the northern compartment as a supposable place of initialworship rituals.Such a change in liturgical planning finds its possibleexplanation in the reform of Prothesis/Proskomedia,which took place in Middle Byzantium during and rightafter the iconoclasm period. The Euchologion Barberinigr. 336, the oldest Orthodox liturgical book of the end ofthe 8th century, reported the appearance of the first priest'sprayer for the preparation of bread and wine as gifts for theEucharist. There was a time when the clergy and monksestablished control over the expression of community andindividual piety within the bringing of liturgical gifts. Thechapter argues in support of a hypothesis on the Prothesisfunction established in the northern compartment in MiddleByzantine churches with two unequal apses such as YediEvler, Sotera, Boğazköy, several sanctuaries of Pont andTrabzon, etc. as a materialization of church reforms at thattime. It is quite possible that contemporary Italian churcheswith two unequal apses were also influenced by the samearchitectural and liturgical innovation in the beginning of theMiddle Byzantine period, especially since the EuchologionBarberini is a manuscript of southern Italian provenance,which reflects, however, practices of Constantinople.Architectural studies let us assume that initially, for anewly performed ritual, the northern annexes or nave ofchurch could be reserved, but later such liturgical planninginnovation did not catch on in church practice. Both preanaphoraand anaphoric rituals were concentrated in thealtar zone.The architectural implementation of the Prothesisreform could be reflected in another way, for example, in theconstruction of rectangular annexes to Middle Byzantinechurch as monastery Kisleçukuru, Antalia, and in İnişdibifortified settlement, Istlada, near Kekova – Myra/Demre,both in Turkey provide examples. In fact, the MiddleByzantine period is generally characterized by the risingof additional architectural volumes and a compartmentaround the main church building within the multiplicationof liturgical rituals and "Privatisation" of Liturgy.As proof for the given hypothesis, a find of liturgicalequipment in the church can be added. At the central partof the northern compartment just opposite the doorway tothe main church, an almost rhomboidal flat stone with dimensionsof 0.5 х 0.7 m (weight 75 kg) was attested. Itshorizontal position in situ was fixed by two roof tiles andfragments of amphora. A considerable number of potteryand glass fragments was concentrated around the stone, aswell as some animal bones. At the east end of the northernapse, the bottom of pithos and fragmentary sheep skullwere also recovered, which indicate some unknown ritual.It is quite possible that such flat stones laying directly on thechurch floor and serving as the Prtothesis table for offeringliturgical bread and wine were typical for rural Byzantinechurches, as the information of Pratum spirituale by JohnMoschus suggests.No remains of the altar table or distinct elements of thealtar screen were recorded during the excavations. This impliesthat the Holy table in the church could be made ofwood and the altar screen existed as a cloth curtain or katapetasma.However, the altar zone was separated from thenaos by a terrace cut in natural as a kind of bema. Near thebema, there was a pit, most likely for a water reservoir usedfor church needs and ritual purification purposes. Beside thispit within the altar zone, several roof tiles were stocked as aspecial construction associated with finds of metal crossesand glass lamp fragments that may be regarded as an elementof an unpreserved altar barrier.Such liturgical elements as the offering of ex-voto crossesand new arrangement of the Prothesis ritual may suggesta monastic influence in the area. Additionally, this possibilityis confirmed by some features of burial custom of thegrave excavated near the church to the southeast from themain apse, i.e. the fixation of the head of one buried senilisman with the help of small stones or a special head-supportknown in the practice of Mont Athos monasteries and in theTypikon of Studios monastery in Constantinople. This observationallows for a revision of the role of Byzantine monasticismin the development of Crimean Christian cultureof the iconoclasm and posticonoclasm period, especiallysince an erroneous hypothesis on the "mass migration" ofByzantine monks-iconodoules to the Crimean peninsulabased on an uncritical review of the information of the Lifeof Saint Stephen the Younger has been abandoned after newresearch.However, rituals practiced in the Yedi Evler church werelinked not only to monastic practices but also to popularChristianized rituals, as finds of animal bones in and aroundthe church suggest. Without a doubt, these kitchen remainstestify to animal sacrifice and parish community or familyfestive meals organized in the church. The finds of oxremains, an animal usually offered as a sacrifice in ruralGreek communities during sanctuary consecration, nearthe western and southern entrances to the church may referto rituals of dedication of the church after its constructionand reconstruction in the second and third building periods.Other bones and faunal remains are relatively proportionallyspread out in the church complex. It is difficult todeterminate where exactly the common meals took place.Most likely, during the first period of church life it was thenorthern part of the church; the joint offering of gifts forthe Eucharist and ordinary meal in the same place near theflat stone in the northern part of the church shows a kindof syncretism of liturgical and popular rituals. During thelast period, when the northern compartment was buried accordingto canon law postulates the main part of the kitchenremains was concentrated near the southern entrance to thesanctuary.The practice of animal sacrifices and parish meals waslargely in use in Byzantine popular religion, or so-called"parish Orthodoxy." In spite of prescriptions against suchpractices, which can be found in canon law, it was regardedas a norm in society, and even hagiographical texts, for example,the Life of Saint Nicolas of Sion in Asia Minor, tellabout such rituals without any fulmination. Rituals of animalsacrifices are also known in the North Caucasus, Transcaucasia,and the Balkans and are still preserved in ethnographicpractice until the beginning of the 20th century andon several territories up until the present age. For example,in the Farassa area, Cappadocia, modern Feke, Adana Province,Turkey, in the Greek parish the ritual of animal sacrificeswas recorded in the church opposite the main altar on abig stone. This parallel may suggest that the flat stone in thenorthern part of the Yedi Evler church, apart from its Prosthesisfunction, could have also served as archaic sacrifice.The remains of rituals of church consecration are alsoknown from the excavations. They have been attestedthanks to one-time concentrations of charcoals and fireplacesas well as kitchen remains opposite to the entrances of thesanctuary. For the first church consecration, three fireplaceswere recorded to the north, west and south of the church.The second consecration left one fireplace to the south fromthe church according to the position of the main doorwayduring the third building period.Within the last zone, micropieces of flint made by strikea-light were found. It is obvious that there was a specialplace here for making 'liturgical fire' before the beginningof office of vespers. Evidently, the celebration in the churchwas not conducted every day, but on special days includingFeast and Sunday Liturgies. Today the ritual of makingnew fire before offices is still preserved in Latin andGreek parish life, only on the eve of Easter Day when theliturgical light for the ceremony is normally lit from a bonfireburned outside the church. In Russian and UkrainianOrthodoxy, such practice has been abandoned. A specificderivate of such practices is the ritual of 'Holy Fire' in thechurch of Holy Sepulcher in Jerusalem on Great Saturday,the day before Orthodox Easter, presented in mass mentalityand church propaganda as a miracle. However, the practiceof making 'new' or 'holy' fire, especially at the beginningof spring, is well known thanks to ethnological research inWestern and Central Europe, and relations between churchrituals and folklore customs are difficult to establish. Multiplefragments of glass lamps in the same zone hardly referto any rituals, nor do presented remains of lamps accidentallybroken during manipulation. Only one church customthat involves the intentional breaking of wedding glass cupsof wine was first attested in the Euchologion Paris Coislin.213 in 1027 AD. However, until the 12th century, the churchblessing of wedding was practiced in the aristocratic milieuand was not very widespread in rural society.In sum, the local parish community had enough cultivatedlevel of religious life and combined innovations ofliturgical mainstream of Byzantine society issued from culturalcenters and archaic practices belonging to the provincialrural population.The conclusions presented by I. Teslenko and A. Musinsummaries research results and give future perspectives.For the first time in the history of excavations of Crimeanmedieval churches, thanks to careful digging and fieldfixation, architectural archaeology managed to record manyliturgical features and everyday life elements characteristicof Byzantine rural churches. It allowed for determining acharacteristic of the material culture of the local populationduring the "demographic boom" and establishing of themataadministrative division in Byzantine Empire in the 8th-9thcentury. Church planning kept the very important step inthe development of the initial part of East-Christian Liturgyas ritualisation of Prothesis. Archaeological contextspreserved intact bones of animal sacrifices and communitymeals appropriated to Byzantine popular religion, tracesof making of 'holy' or liturgical fire as micropieces of flintmade by a light-a-strike, and ex-voto offering in the formof metal crosses, and amulets pendants that at the sametime could serve as interior church decoration. Such findsallowed us to establish byzantine origin of several typesof Christian devotional crosses pendants from the 10th-11th century originated from the territories of Early Rus'and Scandinavia. The church in Yedi Evler is an examplemonument of the Middle Byzantine period for the study ofliturgical devotion, rural sacral architecture and everydaylife of provincial settlements, which should be useful forthe understanding of both Crimean medieval culture and thehistory of other parts of the Byzantine World.The study of the Yedi Evler church permits us todraw some conclusions about the historical developmentand cultural situation in the southern part of the Crimeanpeninsula at the end of the 8th – mid 10th century. The materialculture of the local population known from the result ofthe church excavation and investigation of surroundingsettlements and pottery workshops suggests importantinnovation, such as stone housebuilding using roof tiles,high-technology pottery production with very effectivekilns, winemaking oriented to local and long distancetrade, and ecclesiastical architecture of basilica-type parishchurches. All these improvements were previously unknownfor the autochthonic people, which may be indentified tothe Crimean Goths. The settlement archaeology in the areashows that the above-mentioned innovations were broughthere with the wave of mass migration, and newly-establishedresidences of the new population existed quietly side by sidewith previous habitations. This situation may demonstratethe process of mutual integration and even acculturation ofautochthonic people in higher organized society. Most likely,the main group of migrants came from Asia Minor andbrought the mentioned traditions of Byzantine-Rhômaioscivilization, including high technology in pottery andliturgical innovations reflected in ecclesiastical architectureand devotional practices.Undoubtedly, the colonization of the southern part of theCrimean peninsula was organized by the administration ofthe Byzantine Empire in the framework of the establishingof the themata system. The theme ta Klimata in this areawas constituted in 841 AD, and later in the 850s it wasreorganized in the theme of Chersoneses. In the same vein,the new church administration was established here. Theregion under question had probably been included in themetropolitan of Ghotia or Doros, whose eastern borderseparating it from another one new diocese of Sougdaia orSourozh, now Sudak, was exactly across from the Yedi Evlervalley. The Goths diocese is referred to as "a certain regionalong the coast there called Dory," mentioned by Procopiusof Caesarea in his panegyric on the building activity of theemperor Justinian De Aedificiis.The chronology of pottery materials suggests that thechurch in Yedi Evler and the local agglomeration, as wellas a considerable part of settlements in Southern and South-Western Crimea, ceased to exist at the same time in the firsthalf of the 10th century. Such a social collapse may be linkedto the politically unstable situation in the area caused by theconflict between the Byzantine Empire and Khazar kaganateand active military raids of the Rus' from the Middle Dnieperarea to the Black Sea and Caspian Sea regions, Asia Minorand Constantinople. The local population moved to moresecure regions or fled behind city walls for protection.This publication is supplemented by appendixes withcatalogues of finds of various categories including metals,glass, and faunal artifacts (I. Teslenko, N. Turova), pottery,ceramic and stone materials (O. Ignatenko, I. Teslenko),architectural elements (V. Kirilko), find of Bronze Ageperiod (I. Teslenko), description and results of opticalemission spectroscopy of glass finds (A. Egor'kov) andstudy of flint finds (V. Chabai).

This article analyzes the reasons for the shortage of clergy in the Omsk diocese and the mechanisms for resolving this problem by the diocesan authorities from its formation in 1895 to 1917. It is noted that as a result of the annexation of the territory of South Kazakhstan and Northern Kyrgyzstan to the Russian Empire, the formation was completed administrative-territorial structure of the Steppe territory. The Steppe Governorate-General was formed in 1882, established by decree of Emperor Alexander III. On the basis of the decree, the Akmola, Semipalatan and Semirechensk districts were included in the composition of the Steppe Governorate-General. The Russian Orthodox Church, which was one of the main political institutions of the state, was given an important place in the system of spiritual management of the region and the implementation of the policy of Russification. Therefore, by the end of the 19th century, the formation of the institutional system of the Omsk diocese began there. One of the important aspects of the formation of the Omsk diocese was the solution of the personnel issue. The author explains the lack of personnel in the parishes and deaneries of the Omsk diocese by a number of factors — the territorial remoteness of the Steppe Territory from the European center of the country, the lack of educational institutions in Western Siberia that trained clergy, ethnoreligious heterogeneity of the Steppe Territory and the need for work among the Old Believers, sectarian and Muslim populations. Nevertheless, the diocesan authorities managed, although not to the full extent, to solve the personnel issue using various mechanisms: administrative appointment, transfers from other dioceses, and recruiting priests from other social sectors of Russian society. ; Анализируются причины дефицита кадров священнослужителей Омской епархии и механизмы разрешения данной проблемы епархиальными властями с периода ее образования в 1895 г. и до 1917 г. Отмечается, что в результате присоединения территории Южного Казахстана и Северной Киргизии к Российской империи было завершено формирование административно-территориального устройства Степного края. Степное генерал-губернаторство было образовано в 1882 г. указом императора Александра III. На основании указа в его состав были включены Акмолинская, Семипалатинская и Семиреченская области. Русской православной церкви, являвшейся одним из основных политических институтов государства, отводилось важное место в системе духовного управления регионом и реализации политики русификации. Поэтому к концу XIX в. здесь началось формирование институциональной системы Омской епархии. Одним из важных аспектов становления Омской епархии стало решение кадрового вопроса. Образование кадрового дефицита в приходах и благочиниях Омской епархии автор статьи объясняет рядом факторов — территориальной отдаленностью Степного края от европейского центра страны, отсутствием в Западной Сибири учебных учреждений, занимавшихся подготовкой кадров священнослужителей, этнорелигиозной неоднородностью Степного края и необходимостью работы среди старообрядческого, сектантского и мусульманского населения. Тем не менее епархиальным властям удалось, хотя и не в полной мере, решить кадровый вопрос, используя различные механизмы: административное назначение на должность, переводы из других епархий, рекрутирование священников из других социальных слоев российского общества.

This paper deals with the dynamics of changes in relations between followers of Christianity and Islam in Egypt since the 1970s. The relevance of our research consists in the fact that the aforementioned world religions play a significant role in the formation of Egyptians' mindset and the predestination of their behavior. The novelty of the topic is associated with the attempt to speak about the problem of interfaith relations in the light of main "players' view". The list of players includes the State, the Coptic Orthodox Church, the Muslim Brotherhood Movement and other Islamic institutions under presidential control. The research is aimed at analyzing the interfaith relations in Egypt over the last fifty years in order to determine their current status. To achieve this goal, we consistently solved a number of tasks. At first, we found out prerequisites of problem's emergence, then we described interests of each group, considered their activity and made general implications. Methods: For complex study of the role of the State and religious structures, we have applied an institutional research method. A historical and a system method allowed us to comprehend a genesis of the question and show how internal and external factors affect these institutions. Results: We've made the conclusion that the main impact on interfaith relations was made by authoritarian leader who specified their evolution in a favorable way for him. The official Islamic clerics get benefits from the President and therefore do not criticize his power. The Coptic Orthodox Church also collaborates with the State under the threat of terroristic attacks. The Muslim Brotherhood Movement shows independent views, so it can condemn or support President's decisions based on their vision of the role of religion in the country. Thus, in the 21st century, the choice between Secularization and Islamization will became principal for Egypt's development.

Анализируется деятельность партийных структур по перестройке антирелигиозной работы в БССР. Провозглашенная после прихода к власти большевиков в 1917 г. борьба с религией и церковью к 1937 г. приобрела репрессивные формы. Государственная система агитационно-пропагандистской деятельности оказалась неэффективной. Высокая религиозность граждан беспокоила руководство компартии, ощущавшей необходимость активизации антирелигиозной пропаганды. В 1937 г. была предпринята попытка усиления данного направления путем возрождения деятельности Союза воинствующих безбожников и вовлечения всех партийно-государственных структур в процесс атеистического воспитания населения. = Has been done analysis of organisational arrangements of party structures to improve untireligious actions in BSSR. Having proclaimed the fight against religion and church after accession to power of Bolshevik this fight became partionaly repressive.Governmental system of communications work appered to be uneffective. Highly religious environment among people really borthed the party, that also coused the improvement of untireligious actions. In 1937 was made an attempt to revive the movement of the Union of martial atheists.

The article deals with the features of sociological analysis of religion in Russia during the imperial period of its history. The national sociological tradition of study of religion as a socio-cultural phenomenon and a social institution, which was developed during this period, had its own unique and peculiar appearance and was just begun to revive again in post-Soviet Russia, is sharply different from the tradition that took place in the West. In this context, the appeal to the works of classics of Russian religious, socio-political thought, unfortunately undeservedly forgotten, is a very promising area of modern sociological research. When studying this issue, the author emphasizes the peculiarities of the historical development of Russian society and the state and the events that had a significant impact on the formation and development of scientific understanding of religion in Russia: reforms of Peter I, the elimination of patriarchy, the independence of the Russian Orthodox Church, its transformation into part of the bureaucratic state system created by Peter I, the beginning of a large-scale process of secularization of Russian society, the emergence of Westernism (the direction of the Russian social thought and political ideology focused on values of the Western European culture, which is negative to the idea of originality, an originality, uniqueness of ways of development of the Russian culture, combined with the aspiration of representatives of this trend to impose to the Russian nation of a form of the western culture, social practice and political system, rejecting the system of values and traditional foundations of activity of the Russian society), the imperial nature of the Russian statehood and official imperial ideology. The author analyzes the content of the Uvarov's triad formula, which underlies the official imperial ideology, as well as the discussions that took place between representatives of Slavophilism and Westernism about understanding the historical path and fate of Russia, the historical role of Orthodoxy, the Russian Orthodox Church in the fate of the Russian people, Russian society and the state, as well as the whole world. In his opinion, this problem has remained relevant to the present, including in the framework of a sociological analysis of religion in post-Soviet Russia. ; Настоящая статья посвящена исследованию особенностей социологического анализа религии в России в имперский период ее истории. Отечественная социологическая традиция изучения религии как социокультурного феномена и социального института, сложившаяся в этот период, имеет свой неповторимый и своеобразный облик. Она к настоящему моменту только начинает возрождаться в постсоветской России, и резко отличается от той традиции, которая имела место на Западе. В этом контексте обращение к трудам классиков русской религиозной, социально-политической мысли, к сожалению, незаслуженно забытых, является очень перспективным направлением современных социологических исследований в данной области. При изучении данной проблемы автор делает акцент на особенностях исторического развития российского общества и государства и тех событиях, которые оказали знаковое влияние на становление и развитие научного осмысления религии в России: реформы Петра I, ликвидацию патриаршества, самостоятельности Русской Православной Церкви, превращение ее в часть созданной Петром I бюрократической государственной системы, начало масштабного процесса секуляризации российского общества, возникновении западничества (направления русской общественной мысли и политической идеологии, ориентированного на ценности западноевропейской культуры, отрицательно относящегося к идее самобытности, своеобразия, уникальности путей развития русской культуры, сочетающееся со стремлением представителей этой тенденции навязать русской нации формы западной культуры, социальной практики и политического устройства, отвергая систему ценностей и традиционных устоев жизнедеятельности русского общества), имперский характер российской государственности и официальную имперскую идеологию. Автор статьи анализирует содержание формулы-триады С.С. Уварова, лежащей в основе официальной имперской идеологии, а также дискуссии, которые происходили между представителями славянофильства и западничества по поводу осмысления исторического пути и судьбы России, исторической роли православия, Русской Православной Церкви в судьбе русского народа, российского общества и государства, а также всего мира. Данная проблематика сохранила свою актуальность до настоящего времени, в том числе в рамках социологического анализа религии в постсоветской России.