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The author's aim has been to draw together the threads of political and social science and of sub-specialisms within those broad areas of study and to interpret them in the context of urban and regional planning. Consideration is given to various interpretations of decision making in a democracy, to 'representation' and the public interest, to the opportunities for citizen participation in the planning process, to the range of potential participants, their motivation and competence, to the means which may be employed to secure different levels of citizen involvement; and to the impediments to meaningful participation. Therefore this book will contribute to the closing of the existing gap between theory and practice by drawing together a diversity of themes from political science, philosophy and psychology, community theory and regional science, rendering them comprehensible in the context of planning

The author's aim has been to draw together the threads of political and social science and of sub-specialisms within those broad areas of study and to interpret them in the context of urban and regional planning. Consideration is given to various interpretations of decision making in a democracy, to 'representation' and the public interest, to the opportunities for citizen participation in the planning process, to the range of potential participants, their motivation and competence, to the means which may be employed to secure different levels of citizen involvement; and to the impediments to meaningful participation. Therefore this book will contribute to the closing of the existing gap between theory and practice by drawing together a diversity of themes from political science, philosophy and psychology, community theory and regional science, rendering them comprehensible in the context of planning.

Political efficacy, the belief that the ruled in a political system have some capacity for exercising influence over the rulers, has been studied extensively by political researchers. A selected bibliography compiled by Easton and Dennis in early 1967 contains some thirty books and articles which have dealt in one way or another with political efficacy and its correlates. And this bibliography could be updated considerably.Substantial theoretic import has been attributed to political efficacy. Easton and Dennis consider the SRC sense of political efficacy construct to be an important determinant of the persistence of democratic regimes. They argue that beliefs in political efficacy provide "a reservoir of diffuse support upon which the system can automatically draw in normal times, when members may feel that their capacity to manipulate the environment is not living up to their expectations, and in special periods of stress, when popular participation may appear to be pure illusion or when political outputs fail to measure up to insistent demands," A related construct, termed "subjective competence" by Almond and Verba, is based on different indicators but interpreted as substantively equivalent to the SRC construct. On the basis of their analysis of the Five-Nation data, Almond and Verba arrive at the general conclusion that "the self-confident [subjectively competent] citizen appears to be the democratic citizen." The concept of political competence, as formulated by Barnes, subsumes political efficacy under the aegis of an individual attribute consisting of "political skills plus the sense of efficacy necessary for effective political action." Barnes contends that high levels of political competence dispose individuals to prefer democratic styles of leadership, while low levels dispose individuals to prefer authoritarian styles. On these grounds, he concludes that relatively high levels of political competence are a necessary condition of political democracy.

15 cities were chosen to assess how intercity variation in institutional performance & the reputation of local officials affect black residents' generalized assessments of their cities. The 15 cities are a dense sample of large Ur areas containing 13 of the 18 major nonsouthern metropolitan areas with populations of 1 million or over in 1970. Data were collected on 3 levels: (1) elite interviews with 30-40 informants in each city, selected from among public officials & persons reputed to be influential in local public affairs; (2) survey interviews with small samples of policemen, teachers, welfare workers, retail merchants, & major employers sampled from those who serve in the ghetto areas of their cities; (3) approximately 200 blacks & 200 whites sampled by area probability methods from among the adult populations of each city. The data collected on each level were designed to complement data collected on other levels. In citizen assessments of overall city performance, it was shown that cities in which the blacks think highly of the efforts made by their mayors are also cities in which blacks have high levels of citizen competence & personal efficacy. This suggests that objective city characteristics may make a difference for blacks far more than for whites. As far as a mayor's standing among his black constituents, all data indicate that that standing can be predicted from his reputation. His support is further enhanced if he is black. Within the black constituencies of the 15 cities, whether or not blacks show a high degree of confidence that their requests for municipal services will be met apparently depends on how good the services are & how responsive & sympathetic the political & civic elites appear to be to black demands. The black levels of personal efficacy are tied most closely to the beliefs about treatment in neighborhood stores, & the housing & labor markets. Ample documentation is provided for the generalization that the black constituencies in our major Ur central cities are sensitive in a general way to certain local conditions. 6 Tables. S. Coler.

AbstractThere has been a steady buildup of interest in competence in state governments in the twentieth century, heightened since the report of the Kestnbaum Commission in 1955. Concern has mounted in direct proportion to the increased complexity of government. But there have been expressions of such concern from our earliest history.

The individual in international law — Nationality — Expatriation — Loss of nationality — Competence to determine nationality — Whether within jurisdiction of courts — Whether within jurisdiction of courts to determine whether person citizen or foreigner — The law of India.

The attitudes & behaviors characterizing Argentine political life reflect the high levels of political normlessness, & differ from those of citizens who enjoy high levels of normative compliance. In 1965, interviews (number of cases = 2,014) were collected (as reported in J. Kirkpatrick, Leader and Vanguard in Mass Society: A Study of Peronist Argentina, Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1971, 234-238) which used four items to operationalize political normlessness. The items were: (1) the incidence of fair treatment from government offices, (2) the incidence of fair treatment from social control agents, (3) the likelihood that elected officials will keep promises, & (4) the incidence of public interest priority over private interests. Several other variables associated with political normlessness were analyzed. Statistical analysis indicates that Argentines who perceive their own competence do not display political normlessness, & the hypothesis is confirmed. Also as hypothesized, normlessness is related to feelings of powerlessness. Normlessness is negatively related to competence & unrelated to powerlessness on a personal level, & normlessness is related to powerlessness but not, as expected, negatively related to competence on a general level. These findings are partially comparable to those found in the United States. Sex may be a useful intervening variable, & women in Argentina hold a more traditional role than United States women. 7 Tables, Appendix. L. Kamel.

International educational exchange was a field of major concern to the President's Commission on Foreign Language and International Studies because of its contribu tion to research and scholarship on other countries, to foreign language learning, and to the international education of our citizens. Despite their importance, exchanges involving high school students and teachers remain distressingly limited and should be expanded. Although major federal funding of study abroad by American undergraduates is not likely, this field should be strongly encouraged; study abroad can have a lifelong impact on students' values and understanding of other cultures. The more than one-quarter million foreign students in American colleges and universities should be tapped much more as a resource for intercultural learning. Teaching and especially research abroad for faculty is essential to U.S. competence in international studies; federal funding for it through the Fulbright and other programs has seriously eroded and should be significantly increased. Scholarly ex changes should in the future be more collaborative, based on reciprocity and on the principle of equality between U.S. and foreign higher education institutions.

States as international persons — In general — Recognition of acts of foreign States and Governments — Republic of South Africa Alleged discrimination in visa policy — Act of State — Jurisdiction of New York State Division of Human Rights — The law of the United StatesStates as international persons — Composite States — Unions of States — Exclusive competence of Federal Government in foreign relations — Decision to permit foreign airline to operate in the United States — Jurisdiction of state courts and executive agencies to intervene — The law of the United StatesJurisdiction — In general — Territorial — Territorial limits of jurisdiction — Whether United States Constitution extends to United States citizens in foreign countries tried by courts of the United States — Waiver of jurisdiction over servicemen in foreign countries — Ryukyu Islands — Treaty of Peace with Japan 1951 — The law of the United StatesStates as international persons — In general — Sovereignty and independence — Conduct of foreign relations — Foreign policy reserved for Federal Government — State courts and state agencies not permitted to intervene in decision to permit foreign airline to operate in United States — South African racial policy — Foreign Act of State — Jurisdiction of New York State Division of Human Rights — The law of the United States

'HISTORIC', 'MOMENTOUS' AND 'REVOLUTIONARY' ARE ONLY A FEW OF the epithets freely bestowed upon the case of Baker v. Carr. By that justly celebrated judgment of 26 March 1962 the US Supreme Court implied for the first time that the weight of an American's vote might no longer depend on whereabouts in the country he lived. It did so by ruling that a scheme of apportionment which permitted inequalities of population between electoral districts represented in a state's legislature could be challenged in federal (not merely state) courts, which had competence to protect the right in question. The tide of ensuing litigation attained a new level on I7 February 1964, when the Court in Wesberry v. Sanders held that a like symmetry must prevail among US Congressional districts also. High-water mark was reached on 15 June of that year with Reynolds v. Sims, where the constitution was held to requirethat the seats of both houses of a bicameral state legislature must be apportioned on a population basis. Simply stated, an individual's right to vote for state legislators is unconstitutionally impaired when its weight is in a substantial fashion diluted when compared with votes of citizens living in other parts of the State.

The centenary of Merriam's birth provides the opportunity to reappraise the consequences of his prophetic advocacy of a more scientific expression and systematization of political knowledge. The vehicle for this appraisal is a comparison of Merriam's 'activist" epistemology wjth the more self-limiting methodology of Max Weber who, perhaps among all twentieth-century social scientists, stated most explicitly and experienced most poignantly the tensions among the requirements of acquiring objective knowledge about politics and exercising responsibility in political action. Notwithstanding their many points of difference, Merriam and Weber are interpreted as sharing common grounds of disbelief that the disjunction between science and politics will be removed by the development of a unifying, paradigmatic world-view, either within political science or between the several sciences of man, nature, and society. The political context and role of scientists are visualized by the author as consisting in: (1) mastering the personal temptations and obstacles to achieving their own peculiar brand of political competence, (2) securing public recognition and respect for the factual-scientific component of controversial situations involving their sphere of expertness, and (3) acting upon the assumption of joint skills and contributions, along with other scientists, philosophers, technicians (including politicians), and participating citizens in improving the utilization of scientific research in the formulation of public policy and reform of governing institutions.

This case concerns a young woman accused by the State of California of Welfare of fraud. She was sent by the court to the writer for evaluation of her competence to make mature judgments and, later, she was asked by the Welfare Department to be counselled by the writer, a request she actively resisted. A case like this raises a major issue which has implications for our ideas about responsibility of the State to its members, for the role of mental health profes sionals in society, and for the lives of individuals who may, for whatever reason, violate what most of us understand to be the "social contract" we share. The issue is a familiar one, but is important nevertheless and highlighted in a new way by the issues in the case of Lisa. The issue is this: When is it proper for a mental health profes sional to be allowed to intervene in the relationship and transactions that may be occurring between the state and individuals? This issue is recurrent and there are surely some well established instances where it is appropriate. Consider a case in which such intervention was requested by the court (and the Welfare Department) in a city wherein such intervention seems to be clearly inappropriate and possibly harmful both to citizens in general, professionals in the fields of welfare, and the individual.

Political modernization involves, let us assume, three things. First, it involves the rationalization of authority: the replacement of a large number of traditional, religious, familial, and ethnic political authorities by a single, secular, national political authority. This change implies that government is the product of man, not of nature or of God, and that a well-ordered society must have a determinate human source of final authority, obedience to whose positive law takes precedence over other obligations. Rationalization of authority means assertion of the external sovereignty of the nation-state against transnational influences and of the internal sovereignty of the national government against local and regional powers. It means national integration and the centralization or accumulation of power in recognized national law-making institutions. Secondly, political modernization involves the differentiation of new political functions and the development of specialized structures to perform those functions. Areas of peculiar competence—legal, military, administrative, scientific—become separated from the political realm, and autonomous, specialized, but subordinate, organs arise to discharge those tasks. Administrative hierarchies become more elaborate, more complex, more disciplined. Office and power are distributed more by achievement and less by ascription. Thirdly, political modernization involves increased participation in politics by social groups throughout society and the development of new political institutions—such as political parties and interest associations—to organize this participation. Broadened participation in politics may increase control of the people by the government, as in totalitarian states, or it may increase control of the government by the people, as in some democratic ones. But in all modern states the citizens become directly involved in and affected by governmental affairs. Rationalized authority, differentiated structure, and mass participation thus distinguish modern polities from antecedent polities.