In the light of recent developments in democracies, particularly voter abstentionism, the concept of political competence needs to be broadened to allow for the diversity of skills & knowledge agents may possess or acquire to express their preferences in the public sphere. This article presents a pragmatic synthesis of some recent studies based on an expanded praxiological & processual analysis of the acquisition of civic competence. This epistemological & theoretical approach is then illustrated by an ethnographic study of access to civic competence in a participatory budgeting organization, which underscores the malleability of the competence of agents placed in a favorable institutional setting. It therefore offers a model of politicization in interaction; iterated participation results in the bifurcation of agents' trajectories -- either towards more institutionalized civic engagement or increased cynicism about politics. Adapted from the source document.
While the growing defiance and apathy of the public question contemporary democracies, ordinary citizens' involvement in participatory democracy institutions seems to have a positive impact on their civic competence. They gain a training in collective action, increase their technical and political knowledge, i.e., acquire new competences, significantly shaping their political trajectory. Even if these politicization processes -- stemming from participatory engagement -- are also due to actors' initial dispositions and to some generational factors, they could nevertheless have a decisive impact on the way representative government works, by fostering the emergence of new political and associative elites at the local level. Adapted from the source document.
Since the 1990s, the Swedish school system has become increasingly more diversified. Decentralization, the introduction of private schools, the challenge of globalization & increased ethnic diversity among pupils have contributed to an increasing heterogeneity. This project analyses the prospects for civic education in different institutional settings & contexts, in both public & private schools. Using unique survey data 1999 & 2009 we ask which effects different institutional settings have on "citizen competences," i.e., civic engagement, political efficacy, knowledge about democracy & political issues, & democratic values & tolerance. The project breaks down into three distinct but interrelated parts. The first deals with changes over time in young Swedes' civic competences. The second subproject focuses on the way & consequences when controversial issues are taught in different schools & institutional settings. The third sub-project adds a comparative perspective by analyzing similarities & differences among young people & schools in Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland & England. Adapted from the source document.
In recent years, there has been both an increase in & differentiation among "new" digital media products. Along with this growth has come an increased usage by citizens of digital media products. These developments have stimulated speculation about readjustments in the communications relationship between political representatives & the people. The debate about the "electronic democracy" has so far predominantly focused on the technical potential on the one hand & citizens' exposure to interactive political communication channels on the other hand. In contrast, the "supply side," ie., internet activities of political actors & their motives, has only rarely been investigated. Against the backdrop, this representative survey among the Members of the German Bundestag is looking at their internet activities & internet evaluations. The results demonstrate differences in internet competences, expectations & fears regarding digital ways of communicating with citizens. At the moment, there is a kind of digital divide crossing the ranks of parliamentarians & reflecting age & socialization backgrounds. Adapted from the source document.
Online-consultations are one of the most important Commission's instruments to democratize EU decision-making. But are they really fostering EU democracy? Political equality/reciprocity, publicity and accountability are introduced as three normative principles. Their realization is indicative for the democratic quality of the EU. Online-consultations might democratize the EU via involving 'ordinary' citizens or civil society organizations. But neither of the mechanisms works effectively. A participatory strategy fails due to convenient habitual dispositions and competences of EU citizens, which are not fostered by the online-consultations. An associative democratization is hampered by the missing of any agenda setting options, the lack of working accountability structures, and possibly ineffective processes of opinion and will-formation within associations. References. Adapted from the source document.
Constitutional justice is an integral part of constitutionalism, a system whose purpose is to supervise the power of the government and to protect the liberty of the governed. In Benin, such a mission is fully assumed by the constitutional judge, since the Constitution grants him that competence but, more importantly, since every citizen has the right to appeal to him either directly or because of the potential anti-constitutionality of any law, administrative decree, court ruling, or any attitude that is detrimental to fundamental rights. Adapted from the source document.
In general, a comprehensive and well-designed local self-government will significantly improve community management in the Republic of Macedonia. The increased competences and strengthening of the political culture of the population will result in a more active participation of citizens in local processes. An increase in the professional level of the executive and administrative bodies along with improved communication with a civil society will have a positive impact on the quality of municipal management. Decentralized approaches to local development can be a sustainable way to preserve multiculturalism in an ethnically and culturally diverse country. The outcome of the process will depend on the level of public engagement, accountability of local leaders, and transparency of procedures. Adapted from the source document.
We develop a formal model in which the government provides public goods in different policy fields for its citizens. We start from the basic premise that two office-motivated candidates have differential capabilities in different policy fields, and compete by proposing how to allocate government resources to those fields. The model has a unique equilibrium that differs substantially from the standard median-voter model. While candidates compete for the support of a moderate voter type, this cutoff voter differs from the expected median voter. Moreover, no voter type except the cutoff voter is indifferent between the candidates in equilibrium. The model also predicts that candidates respond to changes in the preferences of voters in a very rigid way. We also analyze under which conditions candidates choose to strengthen the issue in which they have a competence advantage, and when they rather compensate for their weakness.
Local and regional democracy is a pillar of democratic societies. However, democracy in the EU pre-candidate countries is still young and fragile. Determined and sustained efforts are needed to develop and consolidate institutions and the rule of law. Concerning Serbia, the topic touches on politically sensitive territorial issues. As an ethno-heterogeneous state with regions distinguishing themselves strongly from each other, many country specific features need to be considered. This book identifies the existing historical, political and socio-economical complexities in distributing power and analyses the impact of reached achievements on the basis of various examples. Are the undertaken efforts sufficient to appropriately regulate the territorial organisation? Does the large number of challenges outweigh the opportunties? The author gives a comprehensive evaluation of the situation on Serbia's competence to respond to international and internal expectations which have accumulated as part of the transition policy. The book addresses domestic decision-makers, representatives of international organisations and citizens of Serbia who are actively participating in democratic life. (VDM Verlag Dr. Müller)
Jacques Bidet's theory of modernity is a fascinating research project which confronts us in a challenging way with a series of key theoretical & practical problems. The text focuses on the concepts of metastructure, domination, class & democracy. The most important concept is "metastructure," which is to be perceived as all coordination & legitimation resources (on the economic, legal-political & cultural levels -- the overcoming of any transcendental order) at the disposal of the citizens of modernity. These resources can be combined in several different ways, in varied structures of modernity. How are we to understand the ontological status of this metastructure? A full answer confronts us with another question: is it possible to offer a scientific explanation of the genesis of this modern (meta)structure? Thus, if metastructure is some sort of general grammar of modernity, the social structures are an actualization of the possibilities of metastructure according to the spectrum ranging from the extreme of planned collectivism to the extreme of liberistic capitalism. Consequently, the duality of modernity is manifest in the fact that it is characterized, on the one hand, by universalistic legitimacy and, on the other, by the persistence of forms of (class) domination. According to Bidet, in capitalism a dominant class will be established with two poles -- property & competence -- which correspond to the interlinkage of market & organization in such a form of society. For this reason, an attempt to achieve emancipation from the domination of the proprietor, in the case of planned collectivism, developing to the full the organizational dimension in order to satisfy the social needs in a more egalitarian way, necessarily results in the organizer's domination. But the thesis that the dominant class in capitalism has two poles (property & competence) is met with the objection that simultaneously too much & not enough is said about the second pole of this class (of managers). Namely, it remains unclear how we must think the unity of capitalist domination in the plurality of spheres of social power; & if, on the contrary, we must abandon this unity, why should we limit ourselves to only two poles? The author concludes with a discussion of two questions which he deems to be decisive: to what extent can the inequalities related to property or competence be designated as class relations or forms of domination? And what is the relation between various modalities of class relations or relations of domination, & the institutions of modern poliarchic democracy which is centered on the multi-party system? Adapted from the source document.
The need for legal regulation of essential local community relations derives from the nature of these relations, because vital conditions for life & work are regulated in a local community. In a locally conditioned form of association of people, the relative stability & predictability of relationships, which present a potential conflict of interest, can be achieved through the legal institutionalization of citizens' communication. The necessity for rationalizing the legal regulation of social relations has been emphasized lately. These trends need to be followed also in legal defining of regions. A detailed normative definition & over-organization of local self-government & performing governmental functions represent an obstacle to the implementation of authentic interests of local residents. The very satisfaction of the common needs & interests of the population in the future region represents a functional element in the legal image of the regional self-government. This image includes also territorial & organizational components. From this point of view, it is necessary to very carefully analyze the new Article 143 of the Constitution of the Republic of Slovenia that allows starting establishing regions as a second level of local self-government. In adopting acts that define system frameworks of regions, particular attention needs to be paid to the process of forming regions, to their financing & to delegating some tasks from the state competence to regions. References. Adapted from the source document.
