Suchergebnisse

In the article the author has analyzed the public administration competent for security policy, centered under the aegis of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers itself. By reviewing the most important legal acts, and based on texts were included the competences and tasks of the institutions established to protect the life and health of citizens of the Republic of Poland, during the time of warand peace. Leaning at scientific journals author described the main functions of institutions that support government and the prime minister in the security policy. By making analysis and based on the descriptions, author reveals changes in the process of creating of institutions protecting internal and external security together under the umbrella of government activity as executive power. ; W ramach artykułu autor dokonał analizy organów administracji publicznej właściwej w sprawach polityki bezpieczeństwa, skupionej pod egidą Prezesa Rady Ministrów i samej Rady Ministrów. Dokonując przeglądu najważniejszych aktów prawnych oraz bazując na tekstach źródłowych, ujęte zostały główne kompetencje i zadania instytucji mających na celu ochronę życia i zdrowia obywateli Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej zarówno w okresie wojny, jak i pokoju. Wspierając się publikacjami ciągłymi, autor określił główne funkcje organów powołanych do wsparcia rządu i instytucji premiera w polityce bezpieczeństwa. Dokonując analizy oraz opierając się na deskrypcji, autor wyszczególnia zmiany w budowaniu i formułowaniu organów chroniących bezpieczeństwo wewnętrzne i zewnętrzne skupionych pod parasolem działalności rządu jako władzy wykonawczej.

Agnieszka Ogonowska, Edukacja medialna w kontekście cyberpsychologii: nowe perspektywy badania mediów i ich użytkowników we współczesnej cywilizacji medialnej [Media education in the context of cyber-psychology: new perspectives for media and user research in contemporary media civilisation]. Interdyscyplinarne Konteksty Pedagogiki Specjalnej, nr 23, Poznań 2018. Pp. 93-109. Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-391X. DOI: https://doi.org/10.14746/ikps.2018.23.05 The aim of the article is to show new perspectives of research and development of media, digital and information competences in the context of knowledge and research in (cyber) psychology. It draws attention to the functions of media education in relation to civil society, the society of knowledge, and the society of communication democracy. In the modern media civilization, these competences, acquired through formal and informal education, are the basis for conscious functioning in many social roles (eg citizen, consumer) and dealing with disinformation. The last part of the article is dedicated to shaping media competences in young children (2.5-7 years old), who should develop these skills under the care of an adult. The task of educational environments is the systematic implementation of home media education that facilitates the child's functioning in the environment of traditionaland new media. ; Agnieszka Ogonowska, Edukacja medialna w kontekście cyberpsychologii: nowe perspektywy badania mediów i ich użytkowników we współczesnej cywilizacji medialnej [Media education in the context of cyber-psychology: new perspectives for media and user research in contemporary media civilisation]. Interdyscyplinarne Konteksty Pedagogiki Specjalnej, nr 23, Poznań 2018. Pp. 93-109. Adam Mickiewicz University Press. ISSN 2300-391X. DOI: https://doi.org/10.14746/ikps.2018.23.05 The aim of the article is to show new perspectives of research and development of media, digital and information competences in the context of knowledge and research in (cyber) psychology. It draws attention to the functions of media education in relation to civil society, the society of knowledge, and the society of communication democracy. In the modern media civilization, these competences, acquired through formal and informal education, are the basis for conscious functioning in many social roles (eg citizen, consumer) and dealing with disinformation. The last part of the article is dedicated to shaping media competences in young children (2.5-7 years old), who should develop these skills under the care of an adult. The task of educational environments is the systematic implementation of home media education that facilitates the child's functioning in the environment of traditionaland new media.

Since 1990, the president of the Republic of Poland has been elected by direct popular vote. In this period, the position of the office of president has undergone significant change. Each consecutive legal act of a constitutional nature (the Small Constitution of 1992 and the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997) imposed limitations on the range of competences (powers) of the president. Is it thus necessary to revise the current rules of how the head of state is elected? To help answer this question, an attempt was made to view the issue raised in the title of the paper from three perspectives: 1) systemic rationality, 2) political parties as the main political actors and 3) a citizen-based approach as reflected in the preferences and behaviours of the sovereign.

Due to the Act of 11 January 2018 on Amending Certain Acts to Increase the Participation of Citizens in the Process of Selecting, Functioning and Controlling some Public Bodies, provisions establishing new competences of chairpersons of the constituting and controlling bodies of local self-government units were introduced to self-governmental systemic acts. They concern the authority of the chairperson of a constituting and controlling body of local self-government unit to issue service instructions to the employees – respectively – of the municipal office, the county office and the marshal office performing organizational, legal and other tasks related to the functioning of the municipal council, the district council or voivodeship council, their committees and councilors, and establishing that these employees are subordinate to the chairman. Despite thelegitimacy of the intentions related to their introduction, the provisions determining the competences in question give rise to numerous interpretative doubts with regard to the personal scope, the subjective scope, as well as the possible effects of the established powers of the chairperson of the constituting and controlling body of a local self-government unit. ; Ustawą z 11 stycznia 2018 r. o zmianie niektórych ustaw w celu zwiększenia udziału obywateli w procesie wybierania, funkcjonowania i kontrolowania niektórych organów publicznych do samorządowych ustaw ustrojowych wprowadzono przepisy ustanawiające nowe kompetencje przewodniczących organów stanowiących i kontrolnych jednostek samorządu terytorialnego. Dotyczą one wydawania przez przewodniczącego organu stanowiącego i kontrolnego jednostki samorządu terytorialnego poleceń służbowych pracownikom – odpowiednio – urzędu gminy, starostwa powiatowego i urzędu marszałkowskiego, wykonującym zadania organizacyjne, prawne oraz inne zadania związane z funkcjonowaniem rady gminy, rady powiatu lub sejmiku województwa, ich komisji i radnych oraz ustanowienia podległości zwierzchnictwu służbowemu przewodniczącego tych pracowników. Przepisy ustalające przedmiotowe kompetencje, pomimo zasadności intencji związanych z ich wprowadzeniem, nastręczają jednak licznych wątpliwości interpretacyjnych odnoszących się do zakresu podmiotowego, zakresu przedmiotowego, jak również możliwych skutków ustanowionych uprawnień przewodniczącego organu stanowiącego i kontrolnego jednostki samorządu terytorialnego.

We, the citizens of Europe, having grievously suffered from wars, despotic regimes, alliances of throne and altar, religious repressions, and genocidal totalitarian dictatorships, knowing the high price of the democratic political orders and being determined to defend them from authoritarian movements and organizations, declaring our connection to the democratic European tradition and democratic values, such as the natural right of every human being to participate in public debate and to codefine the public good, to constitute, control and recall the political representatives of every level and to define their competence, and other democratic values contained in the great constitutions, such as Magna Carta, The Declaration of The Rights of Man and Citizen, T he General Declaration of Human Rights, The European Convention of The Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedom, The European Social Cart.

The question of the so-called democracy deficit in the European Union is one of the most interesting and complex problems and, at the same time, one of the most important challenges the European Union faces at the begining of the 21st century. As emphasised by many scientists and politicians, the process of European integration requires planting, among the citizens of Member States, of firm belief that theirs is a true influence upon the process. In other words, better legitimization of the European Union activities is needed. The article deals with certain aspects of the European Union's institutional system operation in which democracy deficit reveals. Then, the Author analyzes such problems as competences, positions and interdependencies among the Council of the European Union, the European Commission, the European Parliament and the European Central Bank. Other problems addressed include qualified majority voting in the EU Council and the number of the European Parliament's members compared to the number of citizens in Member States, as well as passing of financial perspectives specifying the European Union's expenditures for several years to come.

Assumption of the Treaty about the European Union of 7 February 1992 opened an important chapter in the sphere of the community regulation of the status of citizens of the European Union and its institutional reforms. The treaty constituted the legal construction of the citizenship of the European Union and the consequent rights, which had to be protected by judicial and extrajudicial mechanisms, among them, the institution of the European Ombudsman deserves special attention. The idea of the appointment of the institution of the Ombudsman on the community level was enrolled into experiences in many member countries from which it resulted, i.e. the independent institution like ombudsman, can create the elastic and effective system of the controlling of authorities, warranting that the right is justly practical and protects citizens. This was especially essential in consideration of the fact that the first economic integration and the further enlargement of the competence had gone toward the more and more deeper integration, both legal and political. Further development and the evolution of Commonwealths could not follow separately from citizens and their composite needs, and this manner it was necessary to acknowledge to them additional rights, entering into the range of the new institution of the European citizenship. In the article there was introduced the idea of the European citizenship and its influence on the origin of the European Ombudsman, and also two ideas of the institution of Ombudsman effluent from Danish and Spanish experiences.

Assumption of the Treaty about the European Union of 7 February 1992 opened an important chapter in the sphere of the community regulation of the status of citizens of the European Union and its institutional reforms. The treaty constituted the legal construction of the citizenship of the European Union and the consequent rights, which had to be protected by judicial and extrajudicial mechanisms, among them, the institution of the European Ombudsman deserves special attention. The idea of the appointment of the institution of the Ombudsman on the community level was enrolled into experiences in many member countries from which it resulted, i.e. the independent institution like ombudsman, can create the elastic and effective system of the controlling of authorities, warranting that the right is justly practical and protects citizens. This was especially essential in consideration of the fact that the first economic integration and the further enlargement of the competence had gone toward the more and more deeper integration, both legal and political. Further development and the evolution of Commonwealths could not follow separately from citizens and their composite needs, and this manner it was necessary to acknowledge to them additional rights, entering into the range of the new institution of the European citizenship. In the article there was introduced the idea of the European citizenship and its influence on the origin of the European Ombudsman, and also two ideas of the institution of Ombudsman effluent from Danish and Spanish experiences. ; Artykuł nie zawiera abstraktu w języku polskim

The pilot programmes, in which the large towns were to take over the duties and competence formerly belonging to the state administration, was designed by its creators to be a trial to assess the possibilities of the communities in the area of matters which, in the further stage of reform of public administration, were to be the responsibility of the Districts. After a period of more than one year of implementing this pilot programme it may be asserted that the towns satisfied the expectations of the reform promoters. Positive results were achieved thanks to the wholehearted involvement of the local political élite in the reform process. Quite often the reforming of public administration appeared rather as a bettie waged between rival state and local administrations, the former striving to retain its previous dominating position, the latter to broaden its influence and sphere of competence. This was the beginning of an ever widening process of decentralisation of state control and the consequent enhancing of the duties and powers of the territorial authorities of the larger towns. The authors of the successes scored in the pilot programmes were mainly the workers and activists from the local government institutions. It was they who pressed on, in the face of considerable difficulties, towards effective accomplishing of the tasks entrusted to them and consistently broadened the official competence of the local authority institutions. The local leaders were recruited from the ranks of the local government officials while the state administration workers specially declared their positive support for the principles of the pilot programme. Only about 11 % of the leaders adopted a negative or neutral stance towards reform. Advantages gained from the pilot programme concentrate on two areas. Firstly, the pilot scheme facilitates and speeds up satisfaction of communal needs by the introduction of organisational improvements. Secondly, it creates conditions for optimum exploitation of financial resources. The pilot scheme objectives favour the implementation of the social needs of the inhabitants and leaders of the community. These include: health care and social assistance and also education and upbringing. The scope of pilot scheme tasks agrees with the expectations of the inhabitants and represents a spontaneously decided local system of social needs. The process of taking over the pilot scheme tasks by the town local government authorities took place without any pressure being exerted from the state administration side. Empirical data indicate the curbing of the influence of the state administration in determining preferences and outlays from the local community budgets. The pilot scheme increases the potential for citizens' chances of influencing the process of management of public affairs. Local self government activists support the idea of active participation of individual citizens in the social and political life of the town. In practice, however, concentration of powers in the hands of the community authorities and offices limits the possibilities of participation in the local management process.

The article undertakes statistical and sociological analysis of the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic for external migrations involving Poland. Its aim is to show the changes in the scale of migration and the socio-economic situation of migrants. The text uses the available statistical data, reports and research results. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on migrations turned out to be relatively small, especially in the statistical dimension. The inhibition of immigration was temporary, while the number of Polish citizens abroad decreased. The pandemic affected the socioeconomic situation of migrants more than the size of the displacements. Due to limited language competences and familiarity with Polish institutions, difficulties in accessing the labor market and social services were felt more strongly by them, especially by those staying in Poland for the shortest time and outside the labor market. The increased need for access to health care and social support has at the same time become a factor increasing legal employment of foreigners.

The EU Global Strategy for Foreign and Security Policy was adopted by the European Council on June 28, 2016. It defines the common interests of the EU and its member states. It was based on the following objectives: security of citizens and territory, prosperity, democracy, global order, which are to lead to the creation of a credible, reactive and cohesive European Union. The principles which the European Union began to follow are unity, cooperation with others, responsibility, and deepening external partnerships.It is worth noting that cybersecurity in the European Union is a prerogative of the Member States unlike cyberterrorism which is a shared competence. Nevertheless, the EU has a key role to play in creating the conditions for the ability of Member States to improve, cooperate and build trust.This article will attempt to demonstrate that the effectiveness of actions taken by European Union bodies in the field of cyber terrorism depends on the type of instruments at the disposal of the EU and the Member States and the legal basis of the relevant regulations. The problem is that there are legal inaccuracies and interpretation discrepancies in the provisions of legal regulations at the EU level regarding the division of competences regarding cyberspace protection, which in fact lead to a delay in the establishment of mutual cooperation between the EU and the Member States. ; Globalna strategia UE na rzecz polityki zagranicznej i bezpieczeństwa została przyjęta przez Radę Europejską 28 czerwca 2016 r. Określa wspólne interesy UE i państw członkowskich. Opiera się na następujących celach: bezpieczeństwie obywateli i terytorium, dobrobycie, demokracji, ładzie światowym, które mają doprowadzić do stworzenia wiarygodnej, reaktywnej i spójnej Unii Europejskiej. Zasady, którymi zaczęła kierować się Unia Europejska, to jedność, współdziałanie z innymi, odpowiedzialność, pogłębianie partnerstw zewnętrznych.Warto zauważyć, że cyberbezpieczeństwo w Unii Europejskiej jest prerogatywą państw członkowskich w przeciwieństwie do cyberterroryzmu, który należy do kompetencji dzielonych. Mimo to UE ma do odegrania kluczową rolę w tworzeniu warunków dla zdolności państw członkowskich, aby ulepszać, współpracować i budować zaufanie. W niniejszym artykule zostanie podjęta próba wykazania, że na skuteczność działań podejmowanych przez organy Unii Europejskiej w zakresie polityki cyberterrorystycznej zależy od rodzaju instrumentów będących w dyspozycji UE i państw członkowskich oraz podstawy prawnej odpowiednich regulacji. Problemem pozostają nieścisłości prawne i rozbieżności interpretacyjne w zapisie regulacji prawnych na poziomie unijnym w zakresie podziału kompetencji dotyczących ochrony cyberprzestrzeni, które w rzeczywistości prowadzą do opóźnienia powstania wzajemnej współpracy między Unią a państwami członkowskimi[1] https://eeas.europa.eu/top_stories/pdf/eugs_pl_.pdf. (dostęp: 3.02.2021 r.).

Korporatyzm rozumiany jako system formułowania polityki, w ramach którego rząd, związki zawodowe i organizacje pracodawców wspólnie podejmują i implementują decyzje polityczne w obszarze społeczno-gospodarczym, występuje w wielu państwach Europy Zachodniej. Po 1989 roku w Polsce wykształciła się zdeformowana odmiana tego systemu – PR (Public Relations) korporatyzm. W jego ramach rząd pozoruje negocjacje trójstronne z partnerami społecznymi, aby zwiększyć poziom poparcia politycznego wśród obywateli. W rzeczywistości samodzielnie podejmuje decyzje polityczne. Celem artykułu było zbadanie czy utworzenie nowego organu korporatystycznego (Rady Dialogu Społecznego), dysponującego znacząco większymi kompetencjami niż poprzednik (Trójstronna Komisja ds. Społeczno-Gospodarczych) doprowadziło do transformacji systemu uprawiania polityki w Polsce z PR korporatyzmu na korporatyzm zachodnioeuropejski. W artykule poddano analizie porównawczej aktywność Rady w okresie funkcjonowania rządu Beaty Szydło (2015–2017) z działalnością Komisji w latach 2002–2015. Wyniki badań ujawniły, że Rada i Komisja były równie nieefektywnymi organami dialogu społecznego, na forum których nie były podejmowane istotne decyzje polityczne. W artykule wykazano, że zwiększenie uprawnień organu korporatystycznego nie musi powodować poprawy jakości dialogu społecznego. Po 2015 roku PR korporatyzm pozostał dominującym systemem formułowania polityki w Polsce. ; Corporatism, understood as a policy making system in which the government, trade unions and employers' organizations collectively make and implement political decisions in the socio-economic matters, functions in many Western European countries. A deformed version of this system – PR (Public Relations) corporatism – emerged in Poland after 1989. Within its framework, the government simulates the tripartite negotiations with social partners to strengthen its political support among the citizens. In fact, it makes political decisions on its own. The aim of the article was to examine whether creation of the new corporatist organ (The Social Dialogue Council), which has substantially greater competences than its predecessor (The Tripartite Commission for Socio-Economic Matters) led to transformation of the policy-making system in Poland from PR corporatism to Western European corporatism. The comparative analysis was conducted in this paper in relation to the Council activity during the period of Beata Szydło's government (2015–2017) and the Commission's activity between 2002–2015. The research results revealed that the Council and Commission were equally ineffective social dialogue organs, during assemblies of which no major political decisions were made. The paper indicates that expanding the competences of the corporatist organ does not have to improve the social dialogue's quality. PR corporatism has prevailed in Poland as a policy-making system after 2015.

Korporatyzm rozumiany jako system formułowania polityki, w ramach którego rząd, związki zawodowe i organizacje pracodawców wspólnie podejmują i implementują decyzje polityczne w obszarze społeczno-gospodarczym, występuje w wielu państwach Europy Zachodniej. Po 1989 roku w Polsce wykształciła się zdeformowana odmiana tego systemu – PR (Public Relations) korporatyzm. W jego ramach rząd pozoruje negocjacje trójstronne z partnerami społecznymi, aby zwiększyć poziom poparcia politycznego wśród obywateli. W rzeczywistości samodzielnie podejmuje decyzje polityczne. Celem artykułu było zbadanie czy utworzenie nowego organu korporatystycznego (Rady Dialogu Społecznego), dysponującego znacząco większymi kompetencjami niż poprzednik (Trójstronna Komisja ds. Społeczno-Gospodarczych) doprowadziło do transformacji systemu uprawiania polityki w Polsce z PR korporatyzmu na korporatyzm zachodnioeuropejski. W artykule poddano analizie porównawczej aktywność Rady w okresie funkcjonowania rządu Beaty Szydło (2015–2017) z działalnością Komisji w latach 2002–2015. Wyniki badań ujawniły, że Rada i Komisja były równie nieefektywnymi organami dialogu społecznego, na forum których nie były podejmowane istotne decyzje polityczne. W artykule wykazano, że zwiększenie uprawnień organu korporatystycznego nie musi powodować poprawy jakości dialogu społecznego. Po 2015 roku PR korporatyzm pozostał dominującym systemem formułowania polityki w Polsce. ; Corporatism, understood as a policy making system in which the government, trade unions and employers' organizations collectively make and implement political decisions in the socio-economic matters, functions in many Western European countries. A deformed version of this system – PR (Public Relations) corporatism – emerged in Poland after 1989. Within its framework, the government simulates the tripartite negotiations with social partners to strengthen its political support among the citizens. In fact, it makes political decisions on its own. The aim of the article was to examine whether creation of the new corporatist organ (The Social Dialogue Council), which has substantially greater competences than its predecessor (The Tripartite Commission for Socio-Economic Matters) led to transformation of the policy-making system in Poland from PR corporatism to Western European corporatism. The comparative analysis was conducted in this paper in relation to the Council activity during the period of Beata Szydło's government (2015–2017) and the Commission's activity between 2002–2015. The research results revealed that the Council and Commission were equally ineffective social dialogue organs, during assemblies of which no major political decisions were made. The paper indicates that expanding the competences of the corporatist organ does not have to improve the social dialogue's quality. PR corporatism has prevailed in Poland as a policy-making system after 2015. ; 1 ; 73 ; 86 ; Przegląd Politologiczny

Research objective: The aim of the paper is the analysis of the impact of political participation on democratic system. The reference plane of the analysis is direct democracy (including its forms comprised in Polish constitution), in that its limits and drawbacks.The research problem and methods: The research problem is considering the issue: Is any type of participation strengthening democratic system? The overall impact of participation on democracy according to contemporary theories of democracy is also taken into account in the analysis.The process of argumentation: Majority of theories of democracy assume that intensive participation results in better performance of political system. The practice of direct democracy proves however that citizens' decisions are very often based on erroneous premises. The competence of citizens who participate in democratic procedures is thus not less important than the level of participation. According to research results, both characteristics (quantity and quality of participation) are however divergent.Research results: Contemporary democracy faces the difficult choice. We can opt for lower level of participation, thus securing more competent political decisions but at the same time accepting the absence of many social groups in the process of interests' articulation. The other choice is the stimulation of high participation level, which implies the acceptance for the growing susceptibility for populism as well as the danger that irrational political options gain legitimacy. This dilemma seems to a great extent unresolvable.Conclusions, Innovations and Recommendations: The Stimulation of participation should be preceded by previous activity aimed at the increase of political knowledge of citizens as well as the forming of civic attitudes. ; CEL NAUKOWY: Celem tekstu jest analiza wpływu partycypacji politycznej na funkcjonowanie systemu demokratycznego. Istotnym punktem odniesienia są instrumenty demokracji bezpośredniej wykorzystywane we współczesnej demokracji (w tym te zawarte w Konstytucji RP z roku 1997), a zwłaszcza ich słabości i ograniczenia.PROBLEM I METODY BADAWCZE: Problemem badawczym jest odpowiedź na pytanie, czy każdy rodzaj partycypacji wzmacnia system demokratyczny. Zasadniczą kwestią jest też wskazanie, jak do kwestii wpływu partycypacji politycznej na demokrację odnosi się współczesna teoria demokracji, a zwłaszcza podejście pluralistyczne i elitystyczne.PROCES WYWODU: Większość koncepcji demokracji uznaje wysoki poziom partycypacji za element podnoszący jakość funkcjonowania systemu politycznego. Tymczasem doświadczenia związane ze stosowaniem demokracji bezpośredniej wskazują, że decyzje są często podejmowane przez obywateli na podstawie fałszywych przesłanek. Nie mniej istotna od poziomu partycypacji jest więc jej jakość (stopień kompetencji obywateli uczestniczących w procedurach demokratycznych). Badania dowodzą, że obydwie charakterystyki mają charakter rozbieżny – wyższe uczestnictwo polityczne wiąże się z niższym poziomem kompetencji osób uczestniczących w polityce.WYNIKI ANALIZY NAUKOWEJ: Alternatywa, która stoi przed współczesną demokracją, to z jednej strony akceptacja niskiego poziomu – bardziej kompetentnej – partycypacji, przy jednoczesnym osłabieniu skuteczności artykulacji interesów dużych grup politycznych; z drugiej zaś stymulowanie wysokiego poziomu partycypacji politycznej, przy świadomości, że zwiększa to podatność na populizm i niebezpieczeństwo silnej społecznej legitymizacji dla nieracjonalnych rozwiązań politycznych. Dylemat ten jest w istocie nierozwiązywalny.WNIOSKI, INNOWACJE, REKOMENDACJE: Stymulowanie partycypacji politycznej powinno być poprzedzone działaniami zwiększającymi poziom wiedzy politycznej i kształtującymi postawy obywatelskie.

One of the greatest achievements of the socio-political transformation process in Poland is the profound decentralization of public governance. In administrative law, decentralization is perceived as a system with a larger number of independent hubs, vested with competences in terms of public law, and a single center. Therefore, decentralization is a process of delegating certain public functions which formerly were reserved for the central government to groups of citizens organized in corporations. Although local government exemplifies decentralization it is not a one-dimensional no- tion that refers exclusively to territorial relations. In the system of representation specialized self-government bodies, formed with different criteria, play a highly significant role represen- ting the interests of various groups. They are divided into self-governing bodies focused on the economy and the professions. Formal and legal homogeneity, though, does not translate into the appropriate political position of these two forms of self-governing bodies in Poland. While the professional self-governing body is clearly an association governed by public law, the so-called economic self-governing body is based on concepts that emphasize the volunta- ry nature of the ties between entrepreneurs, associated in chambers of commerce. The differences in their legal status and the resulting powers bear no influence on the fact that both economic and professional self-governing bodies are now facing equally serious threats in Poland. In both cases these are related to how the state approaches the extra-territo- rial form of decentralization. We can speak of different motivations here. The state, or rather the state administration, is excessively interested in the professional self-governing bodies and is curbing the autonomy they have traditionally been vested with. The situation is quite different with respect to the economic self-governing bodies, where the public authorities are scarcely interested in becoming involved in supporting them. It should be realized then, that the success of Polish decentralization reform will only be complete when all forms of self-government develop harmoniously irrespective of the rela- tions between their members, whose empowerment will serve democracy and strengthen civic society. ; One of the greatest achievements of the socio-political transformation process in Poland is the profound decentralization of public governance. In administrative law, decentralization is perceived as a system with a larger number of independent hubs, vested with competences in terms of public law, and a single center. Therefore, decentralization is a process of delegating certain public functions which formerly were reserved for the central government to groups of citizens organized in corporations. Although local government exemplifies decentralization it is not a one-dimensional no- tion that refers exclusively to territorial relations. In the system of representation specialized self-government bodies, formed with different criteria, play a highly significant role represen- ting the interests of various groups. They are divided into self-governing bodies focused on the economy and the professions. Formal and legal homogeneity, though, does not translate into the appropriate political position of these two forms of self-governing bodies in Poland. While the professional self-governing body is clearly an association governed by public law, the so-called economic self-governing body is based on concepts that emphasize the volunta- ry nature of the ties between entrepreneurs, associated in chambers of commerce. The differences in their legal status and the resulting powers bear no influence on the fact that both economic and professional self-governing bodies are now facing equally serious threats in Poland. In both cases these are related to how the state approaches the extra-territo- rial form of decentralization. We can speak of different motivations here. The state, or rather the state administration, is excessively interested in the professional self-governing bodies and is curbing the autonomy they have traditionally been vested with. The situation is quite different with respect to the economic self-governing bodies, where the public authorities are scarcely interested in becoming involved in supporting them. It should be realized then, that the success of Polish decentralization reform will only be complete when all forms of self-government develop harmoniously irrespective of the rela- tions between their members, whose empowerment will serve democracy and strengthen civic society.