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While much is known about the micro-level predictors of political knowledge, there have been relatively few efforts to study the potential macro-level causes of knowledge. Seeking to improve our understanding of country-based variation in knowledge, this article demonstrates that individuals have an easier time finding and interpreting information in political environments that provide the public with greater opportunities to engage, observe, and learn about the political process. To investigate that possibility, the article analyzes how the procedural quality of the political process affects political knowledge. Using data from the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems and the Worldwide Governance Indicators Project, survey analyses show that the transparency and responsiveness of a political system indeed influence the public's information about political parties and, to a lesser extent, the amount of factual knowledge retained by survey respondents. In other words, the quality of democratic governance affects how much individuals know about the political process.

Introduction : Xenophon the Athenian -- Athens in crisis in the Hellenica -- Politics and the gentleman in the Memorabilia -- Work, money, and the gentleman in the Oeconomicus -- The education of Callias -- Xenophon as expert, adviser, and reformer in the Hipparchus and Poroi -- Xenophon the democratic orator : the politics of mass and elite in the Anabasis -- Conclusions : elite readers, elite citizens.

Intro -- Preface -- Contents -- List of Abbreviations -- Chapter 1: Being Human in the Digital Age -- 1.1 . . . 1984 Won't Be Like "1984"? -- Chapter 2: Netizens, Communities, e-Citizens Being Human in the Digital Age -- 2.1 Introduction -- 2.2 ICT as a Driver of Change -- 2.3 From Punched Cards to Pads -- 2.4 From ``Vision´´ to Reality -- 2.5 Evolution of Communication in Pills -- 2.6 e-Citizens: The ``Mobile´´ Generation -- 2.7 Re-shaping the Market: The Power of Platforms -- 2.8 Social Media: Opportunities and Threats -- References -- Chapter 3: Well-Being in the Digital Age -- 3.1 Introduction -- 3.2 Well-Being: Definitions and Indicators -- 3.3 e-Government: The Citizen as a User -- 3.4 Open Government: The Search for the ``Happy Citizen´´ -- 3.5 From Digital Cities to Smart Cities -- 3.6 Issy Les Moulineaux: A Smart City -- 3.7 The Evolution of Smart Cities -- 3.8 Identity, Multiculturalism, and Wellbeing -- References -- Chapter 4: Safety and Security -- 4.1 Introduction -- 4.2 Cyber and Safety -- 4.2.1 Human Factors: Feeling Safe -- 4.3 Some Examples of APPs and Affordable Devices -- 4.4 Slow Onset Disasters -- 4.5 Internet of Things, CCTV, Drones -- 4.5.1 Ethical and Moral Aspects in UAV and Artificial Intelligence -- 4.6 A Culture of Safety and Security -- 4.7 Cyber-Security, ``Mother´´ of ICTs and Security -- 4.7.1 Hackers and Cybercriminals -- 4.7.2 Cyber Warriors -- 4.7.3 Cyber Laws and Regulations -- 4.7.4 Most Common Attacks -- Spamming -- Spoofing -- Phishing -- Social Engineering -- Social Engineering Can Be Broken Down into Four Sub-Groups -- Intimidation -- Helpfulness -- Name-Dropping -- Technical -- Backdoors -- Shibboleth -- Malware -- Brute-Force Attack -- Password Cracking -- Packet Analyser -- Eavesdropping -- Rootkit -- Trojan Horses -- Computer Viruses -- Computer Worms -- Keystroke Logging -- 4.7.5 Tools and Procedures.

Senior Project submitted to The Division of Social Studies of Bard College.

What is the significance of ICT's for voting decisions? This chapter assesses two uses of ICT's: (1) databases of the voting records of representatives, and (2) a decision support system for party choice. It examines the information-seeking behavior of (prospective and retrospective) voters appraising either parties or individual candidates. Empirically, the significance of both ICT's for the voters' level of information seems to be limited, at least when considered separately. In combination, they provide new information that may attract the interest of more 'Downsian' voters. However, a large-scale and combined use of these ICT's may put the classical liberal model of representation under pressure.

The Constitution of South Africa is underpinned by the standards of good administration, featuring the significance of open interest as a basic component of an effective local administration, with respect to subject inclusion in a "local government" organization. The interest of citizens to participate in local government issues is viewed as having a noteworthy ramification on democratizing administration conveyance beyond simply delegate government, by having people and community as focal role players all the while. In South Africa, the need for the community to participate in local government administration offers a more prominent control of the underprivileged over their own circumstance and guarantees their full inclusion in deciding their very own formative needs. Along these lines, districts must assume a noteworthy job in advancing the majority rules system of democracy and guaranteeing that the community takes an interest in choices that influence them specifically. This study contends that regardless of its perplexing structures, obstructions, and serious administrative difficulties, citizens' interest stay vital to the accomplishment of local government administration conveyance. The idea of community support as an indispensable factor for a fruitful government and delivery of good administration in the local circle was examined in this paper. The possibility of community interest in South Africa was bolstered by the declaration of different administrative structures which supported the contribution of individuals in local administration and strategy making. For instance, the White Paper on Local Government (1998) a qualitative analysis method was adopted by this study and the rational model was applied to place things in the correct points of view.

The words "police brutality" when paired together ought to sound like an oxymoron. Yet we have learned that marginalized group members have somehow not earned the same protection under the law as others. Although the law is the site at which ordinary citizens depend on jurisprudence, fairness, and integrity in the United States, the failure of the state apparatus to ensure such protection has facilitated the production of border communities. By "border communities," I do not mean those neighborhoods that are adjacent or contiguous. I mean there are very real cultural, social, political, and discursive separations that enable a sort of new artificial boundaries to be drawn that in effect disable the continuity, commonality, and sense of community that binds us together as human beings. Like all other borders, there are patrols, territories, migrations, police, and politics whose structural parameters constitute barriers to progress. This article examines whether there is any possibility of dismantling these boundaries and allowing the borders to effectively disappear or whether we will always be left with border communities that imprint our citizens with the stain of hegemony, entitlement, and patriarchy. Both Emmett Till and Trayvon Martin are treated as cases that are emblematic of a larger social terror and enigmatic set of privileges that remain unchecked.

Abstract
This article situates cardboard as a material lens through which to trace, and make visible, the flows of capital within a Trans-Pacific circuitry of trade, and to point to the political potentials enabled by the reuse and re-imagining of cardboard by groups of people who have been made invisible within the prevailing regime of labour. I argue that tracing the circulation of cardboard through the Bay Area – with a stop in Hong Kong – can become a laboratory for thinking through how the re-visibilization of capital and material flows can change the way that we think about the political and how the political is constructed or remade. To take this argument further, I posit that we may use this knowledge and project it into the production of a new symbolic and political space, in which cardboard acts as a potentially unifying material of protest for a new global corpus – a cardboard citizenry. Can a 'cardboard citizenry' act as a stateless, dynamic body of protest that oozes out from the circuitry of Trans-Pacific trade to create a new global citizenry, one that is able to make any space inhabitable and subsequently privileges creativity over market efficiency, the informal over the formal, the ephemeral over the permanent?

This article argues that the concept of media literacy is strengthened when it is understood as media criticism. After briefly tracing the development from concerns about television in the early 1950s to the Aspen Institute's 1992 call for media literacy, the article overviews several types of television criticism to illustrate how criticism embraces and moves beyond mere literacy to provide a vehicle for citizen empowerment and engagement. The conclusion reflects on the ethical impulse in media criticism and on how moral engagement with television by literate and critical citizens can serve to democratize public sphere policy debates over communication in the public sphere.