The Nordic Approach to Work and Care: Challenges on the Way to Inclusive Citizenship
In: Tidsskrift for kjønnsforskning, Band 38, Heft 1, S. 59-69
ISSN: 1891-1781
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In: Tidsskrift for kjønnsforskning, Band 38, Heft 1, S. 59-69
ISSN: 1891-1781
In: Tidsskrift for kjønnsforskning, Band 40, Heft 3-4, S. 97-100
ISSN: 1891-1781
In: Tidsskrift for omsorgsforskning, Band 9, Heft 1, S. 1-3
ISSN: 2387-5984
In: Tidsskrift for kjønnsforskning, Band 38, Heft 2, S. 184-193
ISSN: 1891-1781
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 64, Heft 2, S. 199-212
ISSN: 0020-577X
The article compares the Norwegian & the German political debate on changes to the respective countries' citizenship laws. The Norwegian law will come into force in September 2006, while the German law was introduced in 2000. In citizenship laws we can find a contrast between an ethnic & cultural understanding of political community & a rights-based understanding. This contrast was hardly touched upon in the Norwegian debate. Among the Norwegian political parties there was broad agreement to carry on with the principle of ethnic decent. Moreover, all parties, with an exception of the Socialist Left Party (SV), wanted to introduce more restrictions on the established Norwegian practice to accept dual citizenship. The German debate dealt with the contrasting principles, & the conflict followed the left/right cleavages. The main difference found between the two countries refers to the left parties. Both with regard to the principle of ethnic decent/territorial principle & the acceptance of dual citizenship, the Social Democrats in Norway & Germany presented opposite standpoints. References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 72, Heft 1, S. 113-124
ISSN: 0020-577X
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 68, Heft 2, S. 261-273
ISSN: 0020-577X
The Liberian state was originally founded by freed American slaves, or Americo-Liberians, who became the elite group of the country and against whom the natives fought. A bloody war lasted from 1989 to 2003 between the 16 different groups of people, which eventually tapered down in 2003 when the United Nations re-entered the country. Since then, the UN has fought for increased security and against corruption and conflicts, which were reduced by democratizing and localizing the political power. The major unsolved problems evolve around citizenship and landownership issues. Commissions have been set up to solve these, but they lack funding, political support and a clear mandate. The 100,000 soldiers that became unemployed after the war ended are also causing concerns in a newly stabilized country that essentially lacks legitimacy among its people. L. Pitkaniemi
In: Internasjonal politikk, Band 62, Heft 4, S. 579-602
ISSN: 0020-577X
The article discusses the status, rights and perspectives of the minorities and "non-constituent" peoples in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The status of the "constituent minorities" (the "Others") is very specific and different from the minorities' status in neighbouring countries. The article argues that in Bosnia and Herzegovina "traditional" attitudes like ethno-nationalism, discrimination, violation of minorities rights and freedoms are still very dominant. A direct consequence of this socio-political atmosphere is ethno-particularisation of society and destabilization of the state in domestic and international contexts. This short review of the status of minorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina is an insight into the international and national instruments that regulate the status and rights of the national minorities in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The authors highlight the specificity of the country, i.e. the institutional discrimination of citizens that belong to the "others", but are still citizens of Bosnia and Herzegovina. The authors claim that the citizenship of Bosnia and Herzegovina should be an efficient protection against the observed discrimination. ; Tema ovog članka je položaj, prava i perspektiva manjina i "nekonstitutivnih" naroda u Bosni i Hercegovini. Položaj posebne grupe "konstitutivnih manjina" (tzv. ostalih) Bosnu i Hercegovinu čini specifičnom i po mnogim faktorima razlikuje od drugih država u okruženju. Članak se fokusira na tezu da u Bosni i Hercegovini još uvijek dominiraju određene "tradicionalne" političke i društvene projekcije koje se iskazuju u formi etnonacionalizma, diskriminacije, kršenja manjinskih prava i sloboda, odnosno demokraciji neprimjerenih supstrata i supstituta. Izravan produkt ovakvog socio-političkog ambijenta jeste etno-partikularizacija društva i destabilizacija države na unutarnjem i međunarodnom planu. Ovaj kratki ogled o položaju manjina u Bosni i Hercegovini, sem pregleda međunarodnih i nacionalnih instrumenata koji reguliraju status i prava nacionalnih manjina, nudi uvid u pomenutu specifičnost Bosne i Hercegovine: institucionaliziranu diskriminaciju građana koji pripadaju kategoriji "ostali", koji su žrtve diskriminacije, iako bi njihovo bosanskohercegovačko državljanstvo per se, i po prirodi stvari, trebalo predstavljati učinkovitu smetnju ovakvoj diskriminaciji.
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