The article examines the ideological content of the concept of "civic consciousness" used in the public discourse of modern Russia. The main research method is a qualitative analysis of official publications aimed at identifying the main meanings of this concept. The article is dedicated to the analysis of civic consciousness as an ideological construct and a rhetorical strategy, substantiating the close historical and actual connection between ideology and civic consciousness, and considering the mutual determination of the functions of these phenomena. The main characteristics of sources that embody Russia's state model of civic consciousness are presented. The author shows the importance of historical dynamics of models of civic consciousness, their dependence on the phase of the evolution of each particular ideology. The author reveals that the model of civic consciousness is a value regulator of the political behavior of the population. The article concludes that the post-Soviet model of civic consciousness is an ideological mechanism for imposing duties and responsibilities on an individual, forming a mobilizing attitude to military or civil service to the state, that is, the ruling Corporation. This model cannot be effective for the development of social and human capital and political modernization of Russian society, since it preserves archaic political practices.
Citizens are an important component of national development enterprise. This is because citizenship is crucial to the promotion of nationhood. But being a citizen alone means very little if it does not come with certain responsibilities and civic consciousness. Through the historical lens of The Gambia, this paper argues, an understanding of citizenship and civic consciousness is necessary for sustained national development. It draws an interrelation among these concepts. Therefore, supports for responsible citizenship through education and emphasizes education's role in attaining national development. Also, this paper refers to primary and secondary sources. It uses oral interviews, content analysis of government publications, academic journals, books, and media reports to provide context to the paper. The article suggests some viable strategies for sustainable national development in The Gambia such as free and fair election, informed citizenry, visionary leadership and vibrant civil society organizations.
The article analyses characteristic changes of civic and patriotic component in the modern world and notes characteristic features and problems in forming civic consciousness of university students. The author gives special attention to bringing up a citizen in the context of modernizing the system of education and studies the main aspects of building civic competence in students of international relations. The article further considers the correlation between the concepts of "civic consciousness" and "patriotism" at the present stage within the framework of professional training of international relations specialists who stand for state interests, and presents a historical survey of building civic consciousness in future diplomats at the Collegium of Foreign Affairs in the 18th-19th-century Russia. The author stresses the importance of building up civic responsibility and legal consciousness as a reflection of state interests. The author determines and gives solid grounding to the role of civic competence in the professional training of future international relations specialists in accordance with the Federal state education standards of higher education (3rd edition) showing the necessity of developing high professional responsibility based on axiological and spiritual values. The writer comes to the conclusion that it is necessary to study the philosophical, psychological and pedagogical aspects of the process of forming civic consciousness of international relations specialists.
Die im Sommer 1988 durchgeführte Befragung von 1.900 DDR-Jugendlichen ermittelte das Meinungsbild zur "Identifikation der Jugendlichen mit der DDR", wobei nach mehreren Dimensionen (Heimatverbundenheit, politische Identifikation, Zukunftsbewußtsein, Wertorientierungen) gefragt wurde. Zusammenfassend wird festgestellt, daß sich zwar die Mehrheit der Jugendlichen mit der DDR identifiziere, aber tendenziell immer mehr Jugendliche sich nur mit mehr oder weniger großen Einschränkungen ihrem Vaterland bekenne. Diese Einschränkungen gehen weniger auf die nach wie vor hohe Heimatverbundenheit als vielmehr auf die deutlich verringerte Übereinstimmung der Jugendlichen mit der Art und Weise der politischen Machtausübung in der DDR, die insbesondere in einer deutlich verringerten Identifikation mit der SED zum Ausdruck kommt, zurück. Es wird ferner gefolgert, daß "sich die Einstellungen eines Teiles der Jugendlichen auf einen kritischen Punkt hinbewegen, bei dem ein spontanes Umkippen ihres Verhaltens in antisozialistische Tendenz durchaus möglich erscheint". Immer mehr Jugendliche verweigern sich durch Passivität den "Sozialisationsinstanzen" Schule, Presse, Rundfunk. Fernsehen und Jugendverband FDJ und fühlen sich statt dessen "den Medien der BRD, zu kirchlichen Veranstaltungen und zur Diskussion im Freundeskreis" hingezogen. (psz)
Civic consciousness can be understood as a process associated with the formation of a set of ideas about citizenship, the prospects for the development of society. With this regard the article deals with the issues of the regulatory functions in the civil society, its foundations and elements in the formation of civil society. A strong political relationship between the state and the citizen is an essential condition for an established civil society. The quality and scope of these relationships depend on the civic consciousness that is embedded in the person, and ultimately the civic consciousness that is formed in the individual is manifested through civic activism. The active participation of citizens is very important in the formation of civil society, but we also want to emphasize the important role of civic consciousness in ensuring the legitimacy of the existing socio-political relations.
The meta-narratives of modern times are considered as the most significant factors impeding the development of the civil society' that coincided with the western definition of democracy. Nevertheless, this article suggests that the real problem was institutional inadequacy, which was produced by lack of civic consciousness. The best evidence for this argument is the search by theoreticians for a civic consciousness despite their different ideological orientations. Indeed, the demise of meta-narratives in post-modern times does not tend to lead to a more civil society because of the vicissitude of this extant institutional inadequacy, which appears to be created by the decline of cultural understanding of civic consciousness. ; Modern zamanların büyük söylemleri genellikle batı dünyasının demokrasi tanımına uygun bir sivil toplumun gelişimini engelleyen en önemli faktörler olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Buna karşın bu makale gerçek eksikliğin sosyal bilinçsizliğin doğurduğu kurumsal bir sorun olduğunu ifade etmektedir. Bu önermenin en güzel kanıtı farklı ideolojik yönelimlerden gelen teorisyenlerin aynı sosyal bilinci aramış olmalarıdır. Nitekim, modern sonrası zamanlarda büyük söylemlerin geçerliliğini yitirmiş olmaları daha sivil bir toplumu ortaya çıkaramamaktadır çünkü aynı yetersizlik sosyal bilincin kültürel anlayışının zayıflamasının sonucu olarak devamlılığını sürdürmektedir.
The National Service Training Program (NSTP) is a civic education and defense preparedness program for students instituted by the Philippine government byvirtue of Republic Act 9163, otherwise known as the NSTP Act of 2001. One ofthe aims of NSTP is to inculcate civic consciousness among Filipino youth throughthis program. However, as widely observed, not all students who completed NSTPhave imbibed such aim. The quality of program implementation could be a potentialfactor which includes service learning exposure and how this is translated tostudents' sense of civic consciousness. Hence, this qualitative study aimed toanalyze the service learning exposure of NSTP students in the first semester,academic year 2018-2019 enrolled in a private university. Anchored on Dewey andFreire's service-learning theory, service learning is a form of experientialeducation, deeply rooted in cognitive and developmental psychology, pragmaticphilosophy, and democratic theory. Using a case study design, eight participantswere purposively sampled and interviewed in a focus group. Consequently,interview data were transcribed and analyzed accordingly using Seidel's (1998)model. Findings show that participants described their service learning exposure assomething that is practical, essential, fulfilling, and a spiritual calling. Based onthese themes, implications for civic consciousness were drawn. These identifiedthemes imply that service learning exposure seems to awaken one's awareness,sensitivity, and consciousness of the needs of others; thereby seeking out for waysto do something to contribute for the common good. This underpins the crucial roleof NSTP program towards nation building. It is recommended that furtherenrichment of implementation be done to ensure sufficient service learningexposure identified to help raise the level of civic consciousness.
Abstract This conceptual article describes critical civic consciousness, a new theoretical framework suitable for engaging in research on school-based civic engagement opportunities when they occur. The framework incorporates elements of Giroux's critical citizenship and Freire's conscientização to critically examine existing descriptions of the civic opportunity gap in the United States. Critical civic consciousness offers a means of conceptualizing civic engagement opportunities that moves beyond the common sense correlation between in-school experiences and later 'real-world' applications that permeates existing research on the topic. Teachers, students and researchers can link classroom experiences to desired outcomes by focusing on the interactions between classroom members. This framework is specifically concerned with the civic opportunity gap associated with civic and social studies education in the United States but has implications for civic education in other contexts.
The Anglo-Spanish negotiations for a dynastic alliance which began in 1614 had never been popular among a large section of English Protestants, who felt that their monarch should demonstrate a more active commitment to European Calvinism. Such prejudices increased after 1618 when the Bohemian crisis began and James did not support the Elector Palatine against the Habsburg Empire. The anti-Catholic mood reached its peak in October 1623, when the Prince of Wales arrived in London after his failed journey to Madrid. Many Londoners viewed his return as a victory over Spain and demanded a shift in Anglo-Spanish relations. This article considers the political tract Vox Regis (1624), written by Thomas Scott, one of the most prolific anti-Catholic pamphleteers at the time. In this work Scott develops many of the arguments proposed in Parliament in order to persuade James to change his religious and foreign policy. His anti-Catholic attacks vehicle debates on the role of citizens in the Commonwealth and more participatory types of government, in opposition to the crown's appeal to the raison d'état and the doctrine of the divine right of kings. Thus, Scott relates anti-popery to civic consciousness, linking his discourse to the humanist tradition and anticipating some of the ideological discussions prevalent in England during and after the civil war. ; Muchos ingleses protestantes no vieron con buenos ojos las conversaciones que se iniciaron en 1614 entre España e Inglaterra para promover una alianza dinástica. Al contrario, consideraban que su monarca debía comprometerse de forma más activa con el calvinismo europeo. Tales prejuicios se acentuaron en 1618 después del estallido de la crisis de Bohemia cuando lejos de apoyar al elector palatino frente al imperio de los Habsburgo, Jacobo I adoptó una posición neutral. El sentimiento anti-católico alcanzó su punto más álgido en octubre de 1623 después de que el príncipe Carlos llegara a Londres tras un viaje fallido a Madrid para conocer a su prometida. Muchos londinenses interpretaron su retorno como una victoria sobre España y pidieron un cambio en las relaciones anglo-españolas. Este artículo analiza el tratado político Vox Regis (1624), escrito por Thomas Scott, uno de los panfletistas anti-católicos más populares del momento. En esta obra, Scott desarrolla muchos de los argumentos que se habían utilizado en el parlamento de 1624 con la intención de convencer al monarca para que modificara su política religiosa y diplomática. Junto a la crítica anti-católica, el autor introduce un profundo debate sobre el papel de los ciudadanos en el gobierno y aboga por un modelo político más interactivo, en oposición a la defensa que se hacía desde la corona de doctrinas como la razón de estado y el derecho divino de los monarcas. De este modo, Scott vincula anti-catolicismo y conciencia cívica moldeando su discurso de acuerdo con la tradición humanista. Con ello anticipa algunas de las discusiones ideológicas que tuvieron lugar durante y después de la guerra civil inglesa.
