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The article suggests that by offering education in the studia humanitatis the Jesuits made an important contribution to early modern political culture. The Jesuit education facilitated the establishment of political rule or administration of civic affairs in harmony with Christian virtues, and produced generations of citizens who, while studying under the Jesuits, learned to identify piety with civic values. In educating such citizens the Jesuit pedagogues relied heavily on classical rhetoric as formulated by Cicero (106-43 bc), Quintilian (35-100), and Aristotle (384-322 bc). The article depicts the Jesuits as civic educators and active members of respublica christiana. In so doing, the article emphasizes the importance of Jesuit education to early modern political life. ; Peer reviewed

Part One. Schooling the Nation : Inside a Girls' Preparatory School -- An Ethnographer's Orientation -- Schooling Citizens -- Educating Girls -- Teachers of The Nation -- Grade Fever -- Part Two. Political Islam and Education -- The Islamist Wave and Education Markets -- Experiments in Counter-Nationalism -- Downveiling -- Part Three. Youth in a Changing Global Order -- Education, Empire, and Global Citizenship -- Young Egyptians' Quest for Jobs and Justice -- Youth and Citizenship in the Digital Age : A View from Egypt -- It's Time to Talk about Youth in the Middle East as "The Precariat" -- Part Four. Conclusions and Future Directions -- Is the School as We Know it on its Way to Extinction?

This research discusses efforts to develop civic values spirit for college students. This is important to deter radicalist thought and act in education sphere, such as gangs fight, demonstration, anarchist action, and also the involvement of students in radical Islamic movement, like "Islamic Indonesian State". As religion based on radical phenomenon occurs within society, it is important to agree upon diversity. Therefore, the civic culture should be strengthened, such as values of democracy, pluralism and multiculturalism, involving mass media, mass organization, and education institutions. Students are the most important element to be involved in developing civic culture movement. In high level education, college students could be a civic education agent to minimize potential radicalism by giving them comprehensive civic knowledge. Furthermore, the values are actuated into civic disposition action and mindset, as well as daily actuation of civic skills. The college students' role is significantly important by referring to its historical facts, academic culture and an ability to build network. Unfortunately, nowadays, many students are trapped into practical politics and culturally trapped. While actually the cultural role of students can be effectively deter radicalism potential. The role of students is mediator of cross cultural and religion dialogue, formally and informally. Keywords: civic values, students, terrorism, deradicalisation

After the collapse of Soviet Union, Russian government proclaimed democratization of the whole education system. Neoliberal trends in the policy prioritized skills and competences needed for market economy, putting values education aside. Meanwhile, democratic values are core principles that support strong civic society. This article focuses on Russian high-school students' attitudes with regard to civic values such as equity and rule of law, human rights, tolerance and cultural diversity, connectedness. Mixed methods research design with explanatory sequential approach was used for the study. Sample size is 200 high-school students from the Russian Far East region. The results obtained from questionnaires and interviews were analyzed using descriptive and inferential statistics and coding technics, respectively. Main findings show that students acknowledge civic values, but have problems to internalize them. This issue has resulted from the gap between what students are taught in school and what happens in reality. Also, students are inclined to favor individualism rather than collective good. Neoliberal practices have their failures. Though it is dominant ideology in the world, Russia has the ability to find its own unique way for building strong civic society. This study contributes to theory and practice of citizenship education in Russia. It gives quick overview of Soviet Union education traditions and current Russian educational policies. The findings help to understand of the current social tensions in Russia, and Russian young people's attitudes towards the society and the world they are living in. It also helps us to see if Russian young people are ready to interact with other cultures and different social groups based on the principles of respect and equality. Article visualizations:

Representative democracy gives voters the right to influence who governs but its influence on policy making is only indirect. Free and fair referendums give voters the right to decide a policy directly. Elected representatives usually oppose referendums as redundant at best and as undermining their authority at worst. Democratic theorists tend to take electing representatives as normal and as normatively superior. The nominal association of popular decision making and populism has strengthened this negative view. Public opinion surveys show substantial support for holding referendums on important issues. Two major theories offer contrasting explanations for popular support for referendums; they reflect populist values or a commitment to the civic value of participation. This innovative paper tests an integrated model of both theories by the empirical analysis of a 17-country European survey. There is substantial support for all three civic hypotheses: referendum endorsement is positively influenced by attitudes towards participation, democratic ideals and whether elected representatives are perceived as responsive. By contrast, there is no support for populist hypotheses that the socioeconomically weak and excluded favour referendums and minimal support for the effect of extreme ideologies. The conclusion shows that most criticisms of referendums also apply to policy making by elected representatives. While referendums have limits on their use, there is a democratic argument for holding such ballots on major issues to see whether or not a majority of voters endorse the choice of their nominal representatives.

Representative democracy gives voters the right to influence who governs but its influence on policy making is only indirect. Free and fair referendums give voters the right to decide a policy directly. Elected representatives usually oppose referendums as redundant at best and as undermining their authority at worst. Democratic theorists tend to take electing representatives as normal and as normatively superior. The nominal association of popular decision making and populism has strengthened this negative view. Public opinion surveys show substantial support for holding referendums on important issues. Two major theories offer contrasting explanations for popular support for referendums; they reflect populist values or a commitment to the civic value of participation. This innovative paper tests an integrated model of both theories by the empirical analysis of a 17-country European survey. There is substantial support for all three civic hypotheses: referendum endorsement is positively influenced by attitudes towards participation, democratic ideals and whether elected representatives are perceived as responsive. By contrast, there is no support for populist hypotheses that the socioeconomically weak and excluded favour referendums and minimal support for the effect of extreme ideologies. The conclusion shows that most criticisms of referendums also apply to policy making by elected representatives. While referendums have limits on their use, there is a democratic argument for holding such ballots on major issues to see whether or not a majority of voters endorse the choice of their nominal representatives.

AbstractRepresentative democracy gives voters the right to influence who governs but its influence on policy making is only indirect. Free and fair referendums give voters the right to decide a policy directly. Elected representatives usually oppose referendums as redundant at best and as undermining their authority at worst. Democratic theorists tend to take electing representatives as normal and as normatively superior. The nominal association of popular decision making and populism has strengthened this negative view. Public opinion surveys show substantial support for holding referendums on important issues. Two major theories offer contrasting explanations for popular support for referendums; they reflect populist values or a commitment to the civic value of participation. This innovative paper tests an integrated model of both theories by the empirical analysis of a 17‐country European survey. There is substantial support for all three civic hypotheses: referendum endorsement is positively influenced by attitudes towards participation, democratic ideals and whether elected representatives are perceived as responsive. By contrast, there is no support for populist hypotheses that the socioeconomically weak and excluded favour referendums and minimal support for the effect of extreme ideologies. The conclusion shows that most criticisms of referendums also apply to policy making by elected representatives. While referendums have limits on their use, there is a democratic argument for holding such ballots on major issues to see whether or not a majority of voters endorse the choice of their nominal representatives.

Representative democracy gives voters the right to influence who governs but its influence on policy making is only indirect. Free and fair referendums give voters the right to decide a policy directly. Elected representatives usually oppose referendums as redundant at best and as undermining their authority at worst. Democratic theorists tend to take electing representatives as normal and as normatively superior. The nominal association of popular decision making and populism has strengthened this negative view. Public opinion surveys show substantial support for holding referendums on important issues. Two major theories offer contrasting explanations for popular support for referendums; they reflect populist values or a commitment to the civic value of participation. This innovative paper tests an integrated model of both theories by the empirical analysis of a 17-country European survey. There is substantial support for all three civic hypotheses: referendum endorsement is positively influenced by attitudes towards participation, democratic ideals and whether elected representatives are perceived as responsive. By contrast, there is no support for populist hypotheses that the socioeconomically weak and excluded favour referendums and minimal support for the effect of extreme ideologies. The conclusion shows that most criticisms of referendums also apply to policy making by elected representatives. While referendums have limits on their use, there is a democratic argument for holding such ballots on major issues to see whether or not a majority of voters endorse the choice of their nominal representatives.

Representative democracy gives voters the right to influence who governs but its influence on policy making is only indirect. Free and fair referendums give voters the right to decide a policy directly. Elected representatives usually oppose referendums as redundant at best and as undermining their authority at worst. Democratic theorists tend to take electing representatives as normal and as normatively superior. The nominal association of popular decision making and populism has strengthened this negative view. Public opinion surveys show substantial support for holding referendums on important issues. Two major theories offer contrasting explanations for popular support for referendums; they reflect populist values or a commitment to the civic value of participation. This innovative paper tests an integrated model of both theories by the empirical analysis of a 17-country European survey. There is substantial support for all three civic hypotheses: referendum endorsement is positively influenced by attitudes towards participation, democratic ideals and whether elected representatives are perceived as responsive. By contrast, there is no support for populist hypotheses that the socioeconomically weak and excluded favour referendums and minimal support for the effect of extreme ideologies. The conclusion shows that most criticisms of referendums also apply to policy making by elected representatives. While referendums have limits on their use, there is a democratic argument for holding such ballots on major issues to see whether or not a majority of voters endorse the choice of their nominal representatives.

Drawing upon the ethnic-civic dialogue of nationalism, this article shows how Chinese state nationalism disarticulates from the civic values of Hong Kong in the post-handover years. Surveys from 2010 to 2016 in general reveal a dwindling pride in Chinese state nationalism in Hong Kong, and its disarticulation from the treasured values of civic rights and qualities in the city. As seen in this study, Hong Kong Chinese articulation of nationalism in the form of Chinese ethnic icons shrank throughout the study period. The same study also shows that neither civic values nor cultural pride in Hong Kong are conducive to the building of Chinese state nationalism, nor are they a significant impetus to cultural resistance against China's nation-building project in Hong Kong. The article empirically shows the limitation of nation-building, which relies mainly on ethnic appeal but less on civic dimensions. It also discusses to what extent the ethnic-civic dialogue of nation-building could inform Chinese state nationalism and resistance to it in post-handover Hong Kong. (China Perspect/GIGA)

After the collapse of Soviet Union, Russian government proclaimed democratization of the whole education system. Neoliberal trends in the policy prioritized skills and competences needed for market economy, putting values education aside. Meanwhile, democratic values are core principles that support strong civic society. This article focuses on Russian high-school students' attitudes with regard to civic values such as equity and rule of law, human rights, tolerance and cultural diversity, connectedness. Mixed methods research design with explanatory sequential approach was used for the study. Sample size is 200 high-school students from the Russian Far East region. The results obtained from questionnaires and interviews were analyzed using descriptive and inferential statistics and coding technics, respectively. Main findings show that students acknowledge civic values, but have problems to internalize them. This issue has resulted from the gap between what students are taught in school and what happens in reality. Also, students are inclined to favor individualism rather than collective good. Neoliberal practices have their failures. Though it is dominant ideology in the world, Russia has the ability to find its own unique way for building strong civic society. This study contributes to theory and practice of citizenship education in Russia. It gives quick overview of Soviet Union education traditions and current Russian educational policies. The findings help to understand of the current social tensions in Russia, and Russian young people's attitudes towards the society and the world they are living in. It also helps us to see if Russian young people are ready to interact with other cultures and different social groups based on the principles of respect and equality.

Whether religious and other voluntary associations should reflect public values is a subject of controversy. Corey Brettschneider argues that the state should assert its own values of free and equal citizenship, deliberately attempting to transform the beliefs of illiberal groups through court decisions and through selective withdrawal of tax exemptions. I argue, however, that as long as individuals and groups comply with the law, it is not the business of the state to change their beliefs. Moreover, public authority itself does not always exemplify his preferred values. Second, although I oppose direct funding for organizations that oppose public values, determining which organizations espouse the "right" values accords too much power to public authority. Moreover, many associations evolve over time. Finally, the true threat lies in practices that voluntary associations may seek to impose on the larger community.