Pristup socijalnim pravima u Europi: stvarno stanje
In: Revija za socijalnu politiku: Croatian journal of social policy, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 199-215
ISSN: 1330-2965
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In: Revija za socijalnu politiku: Croatian journal of social policy, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 199-215
ISSN: 1330-2965
In: Revija za socijalnu politiku: Croatian journal of social policy, Band 10, Heft 2, S. 199-215
ISSN: 1330-2965
In: Revija za socijalnu politiku: Croatian journal of social policy, Band 11, Heft 1, S. 3-20
ISSN: 1330-2965
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 116-128
ISSN: 1332-4756
In: Politicka misao, Band 34, Heft 1, S. 112-129
The article discusses the historical foundations & development of the right to free development of personality guaranteed by Article 2 section 1 of the BL. Though Article 2 section 1 has remained unchanged since enactment of the BL, the right to free development of personality has been significantly developed & elaborated by the Federal Constitutional Court. On the one hand, when interpreted in conjunction with Art. 1 section 1 of the BL it protects the general right of personality, & on the other hand a broadly defined general freedom of action. Both lines of jurisprudence are supported by a large number of cases that have granted protection to a number of unspecified rights. Examples are protection of private & intimate life sphere, data protection rights, right to personal dignity, right to one's own spoken word, etc. That leads to a conclusion that any attempt to create a comprehensive formal catalogue of fundamental rights must necessarily remain incomplete. An exhaustive list of fundamental rights is possible only in absence of their concretization. As the German experience shows, any interpretation, ie, concretization of fundamental rights, necessarily leads to the change of their scope & substance. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 41, Heft 1, S. 32-41
The author analyzes the deterioration of the professional standards in journalism both globally & nationally (in Croatia) in relation to the problem of the freedom of the media. It seems there is a vicious circle at work here: journalists often commit blunders & these mistakes are then used by the parties in power -- as well as by the media owners, often in collusion with these parties -- to restrict the freedom of the media. The author argues that due to the power wielded by the media today, their ownership should be transparent. Besides, the relations between the journalists & the media owners should be properly regulated, which might result in more responsible journalism. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 2, Heft 3, S. 63-97
ISSN: 1332-4756
World Affairs Online
In: Revija za socijalnu politiku: Croatian journal of social policy, Band 5, Heft 2-3, S. 111-118
ISSN: 1330-2965
In: Politicka misao, Band 30, Heft 3, S. 36-54
Two stages in the conceptualization of & research on political tolerance are addressed: the studies of Stouffer (1955), Prothro & Grigg, & others; & the work of J. Sullivan (1979) & his collaborators. In relation to earlier research, Sullivan & his collaborators have established a "contentual control" of tolerance by precisely distinguishing political attitudes toward generally unpopular groups in society from tolerance itself or from the readiness to put up with those groups with which individuals otherwise do not agree. We believe, however, that this does not sufficiently define political tolerance. We therefore define tolerance as the readiness to put up with certain groups with which individuals do not otherwise agree -- in correspondence with the ensemble of universal political liberties (ie, the general norms of democracy) -- but only up to certain limits. Tolerance can reach certain limits because political liberties are not absolute values but are restricted by other relevant values of society. This complicates also the methodology of the study of this very complex phenomenon. 1 Table. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 38, Heft 3, S. 95-105
For Croatia as an independent state, the regulation & the realization of the freedoms & rights of national minorities have become a major test & measure of the degree of the democratization of the society as well as one of the essential conditions for economic & political integration into Europe. Taking the Croatian legal framework as our starting point, the realization of the rights of national minorities in the Republic of Croatia can be viewed at four levels: cultural autonomy, education in minority languages & alphabets, proportional representation in government both at the national & the local level, & the cross-border cooperation of national minorities. A review of the condition of the rights of national minorities in Croatia shows that the cultural autonomy rights are optimally utilized, due to their good organization, by those national minorities that enjoyed those rights before the creation of the independent Croatia. The "new" national minorities are still organizing themselves in order to realize more fully their minority rights. A variety of European organizations & institutions that promote European stability & security are especially active in encouraging the protection of national minorities in Croatia. 2 Tables, 14 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 38, Heft 3, S. 95-105
For Croatia as an independent state, the regulation & the realization of the freedoms & rights of national minorities have become a major test & measure of the degree of the democratization of the society as well as one of the essential conditions for economic & political integration into Europe. Taking the Croatian legal framework as our starting point, the realization of the rights of national minorities in the Republic of Croatia can be viewed at four levels: cultural autonomy, education in minority languages & alphabets, proportional representation in government both at the national & the local level, & the cross-border cooperation of national minorities. A review of the condition of the rights of national minorities in Croatia shows that the cultural autonomy rights are optimally utilized, due to their good organization, by those national minorities that enjoyed those rights before the creation of the independent Croatia. The "new" national minorities are still organizing themselves in order to realize more fully their minority rights. A variety of European organizations & institutions that promote European stability & security are especially active in encouraging the protection of national minorities in Croatia. 2 Tables, 14 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 35, Heft 2, S. 57-64
The author outlines constitutional & legal provisions regulating the rights of ethnic minorities in the Republic of Croatia as well as the site-based policy of the protection of minority rights. The major areas in which the Croatian government has been supporting the activities of minority group organizations are publishing, cultural societies, libraries, minority curricula, preservation of the minority cultural heritage, & research projects. Between 1992 & 1997, the government earmarked 22 million DEM for minorities' activities. The author concludes that ethnic minorities in Croatia, despite some political & economic hardships, have enjoyed a high degree of minority rights & freedoms. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 38, Heft 3, S. 122-137
Results from this study show that the slowest to move back into their pre-war homes have been the Serbians. More than 70% of the citizens of B&H are ready to return to their homes. Concerning human rights, more than half of the population believes that basic human rights are not respected in B&H. The author claims that the war has triggered major demographic population shifts & led to a dramatic decline in basic civil & human rights. However, the results of the study give rise to some optimism since it has shown that only a tiny percentage of people do not accept B&H as their common state. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Politicka misao, Band 38, Heft 3, S. 122-137
Results from this study show that the slowest to move back into their pre-war homes have been the Serbians. More than 70% of the citizens of B&H are ready to return to their homes. Concerning human rights, more than half of the population believes that basic human rights are not respected in B&H. The author claims that the war has triggered major demographic population shifts & led to a dramatic decline in basic civil & human rights. However, the results of the study give rise to some optimism since it has shown that only a tiny percentage of people do not accept B&H as their common state. 9 References. Adapted from the source document.
In: Međunarodne studije: časopis za međunarodne odnose, vanjsku politiku i diplomaciju, Band 4, Heft 3-4, S. 146-154
ISSN: 1332-4756