Suchergebnisse

Zhang, Jiayu. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 136-147). ; Abstract also in Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.iiii ; Table of Contents --- p.viii ; List of Abbreviations --- p.ix ; List of Figures --- p.x ; List of Tables --- p.x ; Chapter Chapter I: --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter 1. 1 --- What happened to China´ةs SRB? --- p.1 ; Chapter 1. 2 --- Women´ةs Human Rights as important Human Rights --- p.3 ; Chapter 1. 3 --- SRB and Women´ةs Rights --- p.6 ; Chapter 1. 4 --- Research Purpose and Methods --- p.7 ; Chapter 1. 5 --- Research Outline --- p.17 ; Chapter Chapter II. --- The Particular Features in China´ةs SRB --- p.20 ; Chapter 2. 1 --- The Regional Features in SRB --- p.20 ; Chapter 2. 2 --- The Ethnic Features in SRB --- p.23 ; Chapter 2. 3 --- The Features by Birth Order --- p.24 ; Chapter Chapter III. --- The Causes of Imbalanced SRB --- p.26 ; Chapter 3. 1 --- The Proximal Causes --- p.26 ; Chapter 3. 2 --- The Fundamental Cause --- p.31 ; What Encourage son preference in China? --- p.32 ; Chapter 3.2.1 --- Cultural and Historical Factors --- p.33 ; Chapter 3.2.2 --- Economic Factors --- p.38 ; Chapter 3.2.3 --- Law and policy as a Structural Factor --- p.40 ; Political Silence --- p.42 ; Economic Subordination --- p.43 ; Sexual Subordination --- p.48 ; Birth Control --- p.50 ; Chapter Chapter IV. --- The Consequences of Imbalanced SRB from a Human Rights Perspective --- p.58 ; Human Rights Violation against Women in the SRB Issues --- p.59 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Rights Violations Which Cause the Distorted SRB --- p.59 ; Chapter 4.2 --- Rights Violations for Which the Abnormal SRB is a Cause --- p.66 ; Chapter 4.2.1 --- Trafficking in Women --- p.70 ; Chapter 4.2.2 --- Sexual Crimes --- p.72 ; Chapter 4.2.3 --- Women´ةs Civil and Political Rights --- p.73 ; Chapter Chapter V. --- Women´ةs Human Rights Mechanism and Domestic Measures Adopted to Control Abnormal SRB --- p.76 ; Chapter 5.1 --- The International Human Rights Fundamental for ...

Yeung Hoi-Shan Frances. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2004. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 91-101). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Abstract --- p.i ; Acknowledgments --- p.iii ; Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 ; Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review and Methodology --- p.10 ; Chapter 2.1 --- Civil society and democracy ; Chapter 2.2 --- Civil society and public/ private dichotomy ; Chapter 2.3 --- The private sphere as the cultural foundation of civil society ; Chapter 2.4 --- The boundary between public and private in Mao China ; Chapter 2.5 --- Reshaping of the boundary between public and private in post-Mao Era ; Chapter 2.6 --- The cultural foundation of civil society of China ; Chapter 2.7 --- Residents' Committees of China ; Chapter 2.8 --- Methodology ; Chapter Chapter 3 --- Routines of Residents' Committees ; Chapter 3.1 --- Dongshan District: pioneer of reforming Residents' Committees in Guangzhou --- p.29 ; Chapter 3.2 --- Residents' Committee X ; Chapter 3.3 --- Duties of juiwei ; Chapter 3.4 --- The one-child policy ; Chapter 3.5 --- Dengue Fever Prevention ; Chapter 3.6 --- Clearances of security nets ; Chapter 3.7 --- Leasehold house management ; Chapter Chapter 4 --- Opinions of Guangzhou Residents --- p.48 ; Chapter 4.1 --- Life in the community ; Chapter 4.2 --- Ling ; Chapter 4.3 --- Mr. Peng ; Chapter 4.4 --- Mrs. Tang ; Chapter 4.5 --- Mr. Song ; Chapter Chapter 5 --- Residents' Perceptions of the Private Sphere --- p.65 ; Chapter 5.1 --- Four domains of the private sphere ; Chapter 5.2 --- Perceptions of the four private domains of residents ; Chapter 5.3 --- The right to private property: a shield against intrusion ; Chapter Chapter 6 --- Conclusion --- p.83 ; Chapter 6.1 --- Implications for the cultural foundation of civil society of China ; Chapter 6.2 --- Limitations of the study and suggestions for future research ; Bibliography --- p.90

先秦時期,隨著列國戰事的劇烈,各國君主對國內山林藪澤資源需求亦愈加增強。為加強對這些自然資源的掌控,便導致了本文的研究對象--「地方都官」的出現。所謂「都官」,即中央機構的總稱,同時包括了真正處於中央的機構,及它們設於地方的分支單位。這些位於地方的都官,與它們的中央主幹機構一樣,屬於非治民官,與郡、縣等直接面對人民的治民官有所不同。 ; 本文首先嘗試對秦漢「地方都官」實際包括的各種機構作出考釋,並嘗試歸納地方都官的命名方式,以及對地方的縣級都官在漢代官僚系統中的地位進行探討。其次,本文又嘗試以鹽、鐵、田、工四種地方都官為例子,復原地方都官的行政架構,結果顯示,雖然這四種地方都官各自經歷了行政組織上的變革,但整體來說,四種地方都官組織的基本結構大致相同,擁有一套共用的五層組織結構。而在地方都官的裁判權方面,地方都官雖然擁有治獄、訊獄、覆獄的權力,但這種權力無疑只在處理屬吏瀆職罪行的行政程序時方可體現。事實上,地方都官在制度上雖屬中央官,但本身在行政上的各方面皆從屬於所在的郡、縣;這種二重的特質,在田官的個案身上便得到徹底的展現。 ; 最後,這些掌控帝國山林藪澤資源、為皇家服務的地方都官,因維持其生產的成本極其巨大,故在西漢末時便漸漸被廢置。至東漢時,那些還未廢置的地方都官,亦正式劃歸地方,成為隸屬於郡的機構,不復以往中央官的性格。 ; During the Warring States period, there was an increasing demand over natural resources. To have better control over these strategic resources, the central government departments established certain regional branch-offices. Unlike commanderies 郡 and counties 縣, these branch-offices, which similar to their central counterparts, were not responsible for civil affairs and were regarded as Dū-guān 都官. For the sake of convenience, these branch-offices are entitled in a somewhat contradictory way through the article --"regional Dū-guān 地方都官. ; Chapter 3 details the macro-organization of regional Dū-guān established during Qin and Han, summarizing a total of 23 different types of regional Dū-guān. It further places the regional Dū-guān under the bureaucratic system as a whole, examining their responsibilities and roles in Han bureaucracy. ; Chapter 4 narrows the scope of investigation by selecting four regional Dū-guān, namely, Offices of Salt and Iron 鹽、鐵官, Offices of Farming 田官, and Offices of Workmen 工官, using them as examples to reconstruct the administrative framework of regional Dū-guān. Astonishingly, although these regional Dū-guān had their own specialties, they did maintain a parallel administrative framework, reflecting their nature of not committing to civilian administrations. ; Chapter 5 follows a study on the jurisdiction of regional Dū-guān, elaborates that given a complete right in investigation, adjudication, and lawsuits reviews, ...

Leung, Ka Kuen. ; Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. ; Includes bibliographical references (leaves 167-180). ; Abstracts in English and Chinese. ; Chapter Chapter 1 - --- Introduction --- p.1 ; The Global Rise of Internet Independent Media --- p.1 ; Hong Kong - The Rise of Internet Activism --- p.4 ; Direction of the Study --- p.6 ; Structure of the Thesis --- p.9 ; Chapter Chapter 2 - --- Literature Review --- p.11 ; Radical Democracy Citizenship --- p.11 ; Citizens' Media as Political Space --- p.17 ; Transition from Radio to Internet Radio --- p.23 ; Chapter Chapter 3 - --- "Hong Kong Civil Society, Citizenship and Radio Industry" --- p.31 ; Hong Kong Civil Society and Citizenship --- p.31 ; The Political Inclination of Hong Kong Radio Broadcasting --- p.35 ; Chapter Chapter 4 - --- Research Design and Methods --- p.40 ; One-Case Design --- p.40 ; Research Questions --- p.41 ; Research Methods --- p.42 ; Chapter Chapter 5 - --- The Denial of Radio Broadcast Rights in Hong Kong --- p.48 ; Government Control of Broadcasting Policies --- p.49 ; Powerlessness of the Political Society --- p.51 ; Failed Promise of the Mainstream Media --- p.54 ; Chapter Chapter 6 - --- The Rise of PRHK as Political Struggle --- p.57 ; The Emergence of Internet Politics in 2003 --- p.58 ; Anti-Tung Solidarity: Continuation of People Power --- p.62 ; Internet Radio as Hot Property from 2003 to 2004 --- p.65 ; Action-Reaction: Internet Radio as Transitional Project --- p.68 ; Chapter Chapter 7 - --- PRHK as Radical Democratic Media Association --- p.72 ; PRHK as Participatory Citizens' Media --- p.72 ; PRHK as Self-managed Media Association --- p.84 ; Chapter Chapter 8 - --- PRHK as Radical Democratic Media Site --- p.98 ; Positioning of PRHK Media Operation --- p.98 ; Independent Internet Radio Programs --- p.113 ; Citizens Matter More Than the Platform --- p.123 ; Chapter Chapter 9 - --- Conclusion and Discussion --- p.129 ; Summary of Findings --- p.129 ; Broader Implications --- p.134 ; Limitations of the ...

在全球基金總部要求擴大公民社會參與度的背景下,2006年4月,非政府組織聯合發起運動,反對中國全球基金國家協調委員會秘書處組織的兩名民間社會代表的選舉,要求增加參與權和改善選舉程式。本研究採用質性研究方法,對這場由非政府組織發起的政策倡導運動的發生原因、運動發起方的構成與真實力量、運動參與方在期間的互動過程與策略運用以及運動所能達成的成果展開分析,為社會運動理論在中國的適用與變化提供實證研究基礎上的探索,對非政府組織在中國環境下謀求組織發展及拓寬政治參與空間提出建議。 ; 本研究回顧了中國愛滋病問題的背景與現狀、西方社會運動研究理論體系與相關研究成果以及中國抗爭政治研究,採用動員結構與政治機會結構為核心的分析框架,發現: ; (1)在西方社會運動理論研究中沒有重要地位的傘狀組織關係在在CCM選舉運動動員結構中扮演了關鍵角色,增加了運動發起方的整體力量與合法性來源,並呈現出多層級傘狀組織結構。 ; (2)CCM選舉運動聯盟距離臨時性、適當制度化和去中心化的目標尚有距離,正在向理想的外部動員結構轉化,目前呈現出非政府組織聯盟與多層級傘狀組織相結合的動員結構。 ; (3)中國目前宏觀政治環境中存在倡導型運動的生存空間。通過一系列的策略選擇與運用,運動發起方可以發掘、詮釋、擴大政治機會,不斷營造運動發展空間,尤其是對國際因素的敏銳把握與利用,成功將運動不斷推進。 ; (4)政治機會結構四要素並不是平行發揮作用。在國家鎮壓能力基本穩定維持不變的情況下,政治體制內同盟者的存在對政治管道和政治精英體制穩定性發揮主導作用,進而對運動進程和結果帶來深遠影響。 ; 本研究提出了目前CCM選舉運動的動員結構特徵,以及運動發起方在對政治機會把握、利用過程中的優點與缺陷,並提議加入跨界拓展作為考察外部動員結構的分析視角,在政治機會結構四要素的分析中整合國際因素的影響,最後提出對非政府組織發展,國際項目管理和相關政策的建議。 ; Since Global Fund claimed for expanding public participation in civil society, in the April of 2006 NGOs made allies to launch a movement against the election organized by CCM Secretariat, requiring adding the right of participation and improving election procedures. With qualitative research method, this paper analyzes the reason, process and result including interactions and strategies among participants of this advocacy movement organized by NGOs, providing evidence-based study for employment and adaptation of the social movement theory in China; and makes suggestions for NGOs to expand organization development and political participation in the context of China. ; This study adopts mobilization structure and political opportunity structure in the theory of social movement as core theoretical framework based on reviewing the background and status quo of AIDS issue in China, the theory and relevant studies of social movement as well as studies on China contentious politics. Findings are as follows: ; 1.Umbrella organizations, which are of less emphasis in the western studies of social movement, play a key role in CCM election movement mobilization. It increases organizers' overall strength and legitimacy and ...

The study of Chinese labour politics has returned to the centre of scholarly interest as China has increasingly become involved in global production and trade. As the incidence of labour dispute and workers' strikes continued to soar, ubiquitous cases of labour rights abuse have been widely reported by international media and academics. The literature of Marxist international political economy has long predicted the insurgency of the Chinese working class resulting from rising inequality, global capital movement and labour division. In contrast, traditional Chinese labour studies are inconclusive as to whether the Chinese working class has gained enough class consciousness to become a cohesive agent for social and political change. This research examines how rising economic, social and political inequalities have impacted on the Chinese working class's agency. The research shifts the focus from top-down structural analysis to workers' agency itself, with an emphasis on their cognitive strength. The research was undertaken via a two-case comparative study of the Chinese working class in four megacities and four smaller cities. Data came mostly from statistics and field interviews. This two-case comparative study concludes that, overall, the Chinese working class had a weak behavioural strength, as manifested by inconsistent wildcat-style strikes, which had no clear political strategies. This research also concludes that the working class's cognitive agency is weak and conservative, as manifested by a weak class identification, their poor understanding of democracy, their low willingness to participate in collective action, and their weak sense of class solidarity. I argue that inequalities and capital movement do not have a simple and unidirectional relationship with the working class's collective agency. On the one hand, inequalities and capital movement can arouse the working class's behavioural strength quickly. On the other hand, workers' cognitive strength is more inert and does not correspond neatly to these two factors. The research findings show that the megacities are more economically developed, with higher inequalities, but with considerably weaker and more conservative working class agency; whereas the smaller cities are less economically developed, with lower inequalities, but with less weak and conservative working class agency. The addition of cognitive strength as a new dimension of working class study provides a pluralist analytical framework for the study of Chinese labour. The new Chinese working class are better educated and more individualised with three main characteristics - occupation-based, precarious, and conservative - which distinguish them from the older generations of workers who had a clear group identification, such as the SOE workers in the 1990s, and the rural migrant workers in the 2000s. These theoretical and empirical findings open up possibilities of new strategies for effective labour organisation that should be considered by labour NGOs, civil society and the government. These players not only need to manage the working class action carefully, but also need to better understand the workers' complex cognitive situations.

自90年代初起,中國的拉拉(女同性戀)運動共經歷了近20年的發展。本研究探討在這20年的時間裏,拉拉運動家如何將拉拉運動從只限於北京地區的少數女同性戀活動,擴展成為全國遍地開花的拉拉活動和組織。 ; 然而,在這一過程中,拉拉運動家遭遇了各種各樣的困境。這其中既包括了威權政府統治對草根行動的重重限制,也包括媒體在性少數議題上的保守態度和審查機制,還包括國內缺少關於中國同志運動本土化的思想資源。本研究以"實用主義反抗"為論文的中心論點來展示拉拉運動家如何應對這些困境和促進運動的發展。"實用主義反抗"揭示了拉拉運動家的實用主義精神和遊牧主體性。具體來說,該概念是用於指稱她們的多元運動策略,也即是在不同的語境和運動發展階段相應地實踐不同策略。同時,她們也不死守某一種身份和意識形態,而是靈活地挪用各種身份和思想資源來促進變革。 ; 本論文集中討論拉拉運動家實用主義反抗的三種具體策略。首先,拉拉運動家採用"納入"策略,把拉拉議題納入國家主流議題中,從而令關於性少數平權的敏感議題能在主流甚至官方的討論中得到呈現。其次,拉拉運動家運用了增加能見度的策略,這包括:靈活運用商業活動來進行大規模公眾宣導和通過策劃同性婚姻平權的各種行為藝術來吸引媒體報導。再次,她們使用了"吵架"這一策略。拉拉運動家在和男同性戀運動家和女權主義者的爭論中強化了拉拉運動的差異性和獨立性,從而生產出關於拉拉運動的本土論述。 ; 本文展示了拉拉運動家在威權統治下仍然能進行變革的難能可貴的能動性、創造力、韌性以及靈活應變的能力。與此同時,本文也為社會運動研究和同志研究帶來一些新的啟示,例如打開了關於權力、統治和反抗的新想像,並論證了開放式結盟對於在威權社會治下的同志運動以及其他草根運動的重要性。 ; A lala (lesbian) movement has survived and thrived in China in the past 2 decades. This dissertation explores how lala (lesbian) activists successfully constructed a movement from sparse lala activities only identifiable in Beijing in the 1990s to the flowering lala organizing all over China in the present. This study situates the lala movement within such Chinese contexts: the authoritarian conditions that civil-political rights and democratic processes are limited, the media's censorship towards homosexual issues, and a lack of localized knowledge on LGBT movement in China, and aims to investigate how lala activists interact with such contexts and work towards social changes. ; The concept of pragmatic resistance is the central theme for analyzing such a process and shows how lala activists have innovated strategy and tactics to achieve social changes under such contexts. Pragmatic resistance characterizes lala activists' philosophy and methodology for sustaining and advancing the movement in China. It shows how lala activists adopted pragmatism and nomadism to respond to the problems and changes for facilitating their movement. Lala activists respond to the specific conditions in which their movement emerges and develops, rather than to the demands of ideology, and they are ...