Suchergebnisse

Jugoslavenske novine izvještavaju svoje čitatelje o američkom građanskom pokretu. Novine govore o pokretu u njegovom političkom, ekonomskom, društvenom, kulturnom i sportskom kontekstu. U političkom kontekstu novine pišu o Kingu i njegovim umjerenim metodama borbe za građanska prava, ali i o metodama radikalnijih Afroamerikanaca. te kako raste politička moć afroameričkog društva. Iznosi se djelovanje američke visoke politike, koja u različitim prilikama zauzima ili proafroameričke stavove, ili antiafroameričke stavove. Ekonomski položaj afroameričkog društva se prikazuje kroz društvene probleme. Novine iz različitih vremenskih perioda iznose članke koji se bave rasnim nemirima koji su bili aktualni prikazujući ih kao reakcijom društva koje je diskriminirano i stavljeno u inferioran položaj od strane vlasti, institucija, policije i generalno bjelačke populacije. Čitateljima jugoslavenskih novina poznata je uloga sportaša, književnika i pjevača koji su predstavljali simbol afroameričkog jedinstva i moći, otpora represiji i diskriminaciji za generalnu afroameričku javnost. O relevantnosti afroameričkog problema u daljnjim godinama govore novine člancima kojima obilježavaju važne obljetnice pokreta i ocjenjuju (ne)napredak koji je afroameričko društvo postiglo u borbi za jednakopravnost. ; Yugoslavian newspapers do report to their readers about civil rights movement. Newspapers talk about movement in political, economical, social, cultural and sports context. In political context newspapers represent King and his moderate methods of fighting for civil rights, but also more radical methods by other African Americans. They also write about the growth of political power of African Americans. There is talks about the influence of american high politics and how it takes pro-black or anti-black stances. The economical power of African Americans is shown through social issues. Newspapers from different periods of time talk about racial riots which illustrate to readers the discrimination and repression of the African ...

The article opens with an introduction to the key aspects of the globalization debates and their controversies, while it later deals with the crisis of the national model of citizenship. Since the 1990's the debate is between the advocates of two conflicting theses. According to the first camp of authors, citizenship has proven resistant to the globalization changes in the economic, political and cultural sphere, and even capable of revival. On the other side, it has been argued that the identity of a person, as a member of a national community, was gradually separated from its human and civil rights. That led to the establishment of a 'postnational model of membership' -- individual and group rights independent of citizenship. According to the second camp, the nation state was fundamentally transformed and it has become an instrument for implementation of the international conventions and norms of human rights understood as personal instead of citizenship rights. There are also attempts to reconcile the two standpoints. These authors recognize the challenges to the conventional national mode of citizenship, but argue that the processes of citizenship transformation are primarily an internal issue for the liberal democracies. Some authors try to step out of the narrow and exclusive conceptual frameworks of the nation state and postnational membership, attempting to explain the conflicting transformation processes of citizenship rights. There are also proposals for new concepts of citizenship -- a multicultural and a supranational, for example -- as a response to the challenges of globalization and international migration. Finally, postmodern writers talk about postmodern or a cosmopolitan citizenship that is not immediately tied to the nation-state. Adapted from the source document.

The article opens with an introduction to the key aspects of the globalization debates and their controversies, while it later deals with the crisis of the national model of citizenship. Since the 1990's the debate is between the advocates of two conflicting theses. According to the first camp of authors, citizenship has proven resistant to the globalization changes in the economic, political and cultural sphere, and even capable of revival. On the other side, it has been argued that the identity of a person, as a member of a national community, was gradually separated from its human and civil rights. That led to the establishment of a 'postnational model of membership' -- individual and group rights independent of citizenship. According to the second camp, the nation state was fundamentally transformed and it has become an instrument for implementation of the international conventions and norms of human rights understood as personal instead of citizenship rights. There are also attempts to reconcile the two standpoints. These authors recognize the challenges to the conventional national mode of citizenship, but argue that the processes of citizenship transformation are primarily an internal issue for the liberal democracies. Some authors try to step out of the narrow and exclusive conceptual frameworks of the nation state and postnational membership, attempting to explain the conflicting transformation processes of citizenship rights. There are also proposals for new concepts of citizenship -- a multicultural and a supranational, for example -- as a response to the challenges of globalization and international migration. Finally, postmodern writers talk about postmodern or a cosmopolitan citizenship that is not immediately tied to the nation-state. Adapted from the source document.

Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems. ; Right of access to a court, enshrined in Article 6 § 1 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms forms one of the basis for reinforcement of the principle of rule of law. However, the right of access to a court may be limited by provisions of national legislation regulating the functioning of the judicial system and rules of judicial procedure. The higher the hierarchy of the court, the more limits may be placed on the right of access to it. The aim of this article is to examine the different modalities of organisation of supreme judiciaries in European countries (members of the Council of Europe) and mechanisms established in national legislation for filtering applications to those jurisdictions in civil cases, in light of the principles set forth in that regard by the ever evolving case-law of the European Court of Human Rights, and the effects of its judgments and decisions on national legal systems.

The author gives a brief review of the theory of political obligation of citizens in democracy. If democracy is a regime based on the free will of individuals (citizens), then the concept of political obligation cannot be based outside this & such freedom. Unlike rights, obligations are always social (relational, reciprocal). Because their nature is social, they have to be socialized by the processes of education: this is the process of building a political habitus in the individual identity of every person. The political responsibilities, unlike the legal ones, cannot be adopted by chance (by the processes of functional socialization), but solely by means of citizens' systematic education, as they are grounded in the freedom of choice & the nurtured civic virtues. As such, they a part of the consciously built democratic political culture of citizens, & culture must be acquired only by the processes of learning & education. A separate analysis of the relationship between the citizens' political obligations & those of the political community has been carried out since the issue here is who citizens in democracy really are responsible to. Political responsibility is not due only to authority (state, sovereign) -- as initially emphasized by the social contract theories -- but also to the other fellow citizens, & to the political community as a historical repository of our obligations & responsibilities in their entirety. Finally, the problem of political obligations from the perspective of the logic of collective action is analyzed as well as the likelihood of the existence of 'freeriders' in the achieved structure of the common good. This analysis also shows how civic education is inherent to democratic regimes. References. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses the historical foundations & development of the right to free development of personality guaranteed by Article 2 section 1 of the BL. Though Article 2 section 1 has remained unchanged since enactment of the BL, the right to free development of personality has been significantly developed & elaborated by the Federal Constitutional Court. On the one hand, when interpreted in conjunction with Art. 1 section 1 of the BL it protects the general right of personality, & on the other hand a broadly defined general freedom of action. Both lines of jurisprudence are supported by a large number of cases that have granted protection to a number of unspecified rights. Examples are protection of private & intimate life sphere, data protection rights, right to personal dignity, right to one's own spoken word, etc. That leads to a conclusion that any attempt to create a comprehensive formal catalogue of fundamental rights must necessarily remain incomplete. An exhaustive list of fundamental rights is possible only in absence of their concretization. As the German experience shows, any interpretation, ie, concretization of fundamental rights, necessarily leads to the change of their scope & substance. Adapted from the source document.

The author analyzes the deterioration of the professional standards in journalism both globally & nationally (in Croatia) in relation to the problem of the freedom of the media. It seems there is a vicious circle at work here: journalists often commit blunders & these mistakes are then used by the parties in power -- as well as by the media owners, often in collusion with these parties -- to restrict the freedom of the media. The author argues that due to the power wielded by the media today, their ownership should be transparent. Besides, the relations between the journalists & the media owners should be properly regulated, which might result in more responsible journalism. 8 References. Adapted from the source document.