Suchergebnisse

Title from letter of transmittal affixed to cover. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Research paper written by University of Scranton undergraduate student Rosemary Shaver '12 for her honors tutorial, PS 385H, The Civil Rights Movement in the North. Shaver, an Honors Program junior with a double major in History and Political Science, was selected by a panel of faculty and staff as the winner of the first annual Library Research Prize. Some of the contents of this record may be harmful or offensive to users. In the interests of historical integrity, we do not remove images or words from archival materials. This note is to inform users of the content. We do this so that researchers may decide for themselves if they wish to view the entire record knowing it has potentially harmful content.

"September 1998." ; Shipping list no.: 99-0007-P. ; Includes bibliographical references (p. 145-167). ; Mode of access: Internet.

Presidents throughout the civil rights era had different ideas and strategies on how to handle the issue and bring about equality for African Americans. When evaluating the different presidents in the era, from Franklin D. Roosevelt to Richard Nixon, it is often found that the main driving forces among them to act on civil rights were necessity and political gain. Factors such as domestic unrest, political aspirations, and political influence forced these presidents to act on, or delay, civil rights legislation whether they had the desire to or not. Although they may have found civil rights to be a moral issue that deserved attention, they were careful not to agitate either Southern Democrats on one end of the spectrum and liberals from both parties on the other end. For this reason, their stances on civil rights evolved to be somewhat moderate. ; https://digitalcommons.mtech.edu/urp_aug_2015/1001/thumbnail.jpg

Explanatory note that accompanies cartoon, written at a later date ; over 2. It didn't work out That way. In the 50's There was enuf [sic] Flexibility on Pro side To make for real progress. The anti's with just a few exceptions were unyielding. More progress in the 60's

Throughout history courts and legislatures alternatively have enlarged and diminished civil rights protections." Today, employment discrimination claims are the most commonly litigated civil rights cases. A succession of cases decided by a new conservative majority of Justices during the 1988 Supreme Court Term has altered radically the delicate balance of civil rights in the workplace. The then prevailing economic, political, and legal environment seemed to be impervious to any advances in employment discrimination protections. Since that Term, courts and legislatures at the state and federal levels have promulgated a confusing combination of advances and re- treats in employment discrimination law. This uncertain climate poses substantial risks to workplace rights and yet, at the same time, holds great potential for improvement of civil rights in the workplace. The developments of the 1990s will play a pivotal role in determining the future of workplace rights. This Special Project addresses four evolving areas of employment discrimination law. The Special Project begins by examining the most controversial issues raised by the vetoed Civil Rights Act of 1990. Congress had introduced the Act in an attempt to restore both Title VIPs and section 19811 protections that the Supreme Court had limited during its 1988 Term. The Project suggests compromises that both Congress and the President should make in the continuing quest for acceptable civil rights legislation. The Project then considers both the recent trend toward a more conservative federal judiciary and the changes in state employment discrimination law in light of Yellow Freight System, Inc. v. Donnelly," a case holding that state and federal courts share concurrent jurisdiction over Title VII claims. The Project explores a restructuring of the parity debate in an attempt to develop an analytical framework for forum selection in a concurrent system of employment discrimination litigation. The Yellow Freight decision illustrates the expanding role that ...

The failure of traditional coordinative efforts among federal agencies suggests that new and different approaches are imperative. This Article has emphasized a regional approach for solving these problems. Experience has shown that even well-intentioned and capable administrators in Washington cannot alone ensure compliance with the federal civil rights laws. They must have the full support of key regional officials of the federal government, and they must have a certain degree of cooperation from state and local officials. One means of gaining this support and assistance is through the Councils, which bring together in one forum high-level federal, state, and local policymakers. While the past performance of the FRCs in coordinating civil rights programs has been mediocre in some areas, this record can be improved substantially through forceful presidential leadership and through the regular application by Council member agencies of legal sanctions for noncompliance with the civil rights laws. The two areas suggested in this Article for priority FRC coordination are equal employment opportunity and the federal grant-making process.

"March 1982." ; Includes bibliographical references ; Mode of access: Internet.

This Article discusses why the Thirteenth Amendment's reach extends beyond the institution of slavery and has important implications for civil liberties. The Amendment—in providing a mechanism to protect fundamental rights articulated in the Declaration of Independence and Preamble to the Constitution—not only ended slavery, but also created a substantive assurance of freedom. This Article reviews Thirteenth Amendment jurisprudence and shows that, despite substantial narrowing after its adoption, the Amendment is a source of sweeping constitutional power for enacting federal civil rights legislation. The Article also distinguishes congressional power under the Thirteenth Amendment from that under the Fourteenth Amendment and the Commerce Clause, demonstrating that the Thirteenth Amendment is a viable, and at times preferable, alternative for civil rights reforms. Finally, the Article suggests that recent U.S. Supreme Court jurisprudence limiting congressional Commerce Clause and Fourteenth Amendment Section 5 powers has increased the importance of the Thirteenth Amendment as an alternative strategy for civil rights legislation and litigation.

Report on the enforcement of the Emergency Medical Treatment and Labor Act ('EMTALA') which was passed by Congress to address the problem of 'patient dumping,' where hospitals fail to screen, treat, or appropriately transfer patients. Specifically, the report focuses on disabled individuals with a psychiatric medical condition.

Abstract: This Article discusses why the Thirteenth Amendment's reach extends beyond the institution of slavery and has important implications for civil liberties. The Amendment-in providing a mechanism to protect fundamental rights articulated in the Declaration of Independence and Preamble to the Constitution-not only ended slavery, but also created a substantive assurance of freedom. This Article reviews Thirteenth Amendment jurisprudence and shows that, despite substantial narrowing after its adoption, the Amendment is a source of sweeping constitutional power for enacting federal civil rights legislation. The Article also distinguishes congressional power under the Thirteenth Amendment from that under the Fourteenth Amendment and the Commerce Clause, demonstrating that the Thirteenth Amendment is a viable, and at times preferable, alternative for civil rights reforms. Finally, the Article suggests that recent U.S. Supreme Court jurisprudence limiting congressional Commerce Clause and Fourteenth Amendment Section 5 powers has increased the importance of the Thirteenth Amendment as an alternative strategy for civil rights legislation and litigation.

Until the Nixon Administration, federalism was not talked about much in the United States in the post-New Deal period and was not taken seriously as an intellectual matter. Increasingly, however, federalism has become an important domestic' and a critical worldwide issue. It may not be an exaggeration to say that federalism has indeed become the pervasive legal/political issue around the world. In this Article I will make four points. First, by way of background and overview, I will conclude that the goal of federalism is and should be to encourage and facilitate geographically-based political autonomy without placing at risk the interests of minorities within those autonomous areas. Second, I will examine federalism as a civil rights paradigm. My thesis is that federalism, as a political principle and as an institutional structure, is an important form of decentralization in decision making in the cause of autonomy, democracy, and freedom. There is, therefore, an essential complementarity between the principles of federalism and traditional principles of civil rights. At the same time, there is an inherent tension between those principles. The traditional civil rights paradigm protects individual liberties by resort to universalistic principles such as equal treatment regardless of race, religion, or gender. Federalism may protect minorities based not on universalistic norms, but upon ascriptive criteria such as geography or ethnicity

Includes legislation. ; Bibliography: p. 245-254. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Includes legislation. ; Bibliography: p. 245-254. ; Mode of access: Internet.

This collection is a speech given by Raymond Nakai on August 11, 1965. He discusses ways in which the Civil Rights of American Indians are being violated. Mr. Nakai talks about the price of segregation and the reasons for moving away from negative ideals that hold citizens back from achievements. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE: Raymond Nakai, a Navajo Indian, was born in 1918 in Lukachukai, Arizona, on the Navajo Reservation. Raymond Nakai is noted as being the first modern Navajo political leader serving as Chairman of the Navajo Nation from 1963-1971. As chairman, the issues most important during his tenure were self determination in Navajo Education, reservation unemployment, developing Navajo economy, further development of the tribal government and improving relations with the federal government and surrounding states. Nakai had much unprecedented success as Navajo Tribal Chairman: In 1967 the Navajo Nation Bill of Rights was created, in 1968 Navajo Community College opened being the first tribally controlled community college, the Tribal Scholarship Trust was developed, relations with off reservation natural resource companies began, he was supportive of religious freedom of the Native American Church on the Navajo Reservation. Raymond Nakai led an active personal and political life and was an innovative leader for the Navajo People. The Raymond Nakai Collection contains material documenting his activities as Chairman of the Navajo Nation from 1963 - 1971.