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This paper describes experiences from an ongoing research project comprising the evaluation of the current CIVITAS program against right-wing extremism & xenophobia in the five new (German) federal states. The article introduces the analytic approach & methods of the accompanying evaluation research against the background of an existing set of complex & demanding general conditions. We critically reflect these conditions, which have led to profitable research in certain recent topics such as analyses of measures for developing commitment in "civil society" to face right-wing extremism in communities. There is also a focus on the relations between differing expectations of the involved "stakeholders" concerning the form of evaluation results (presentable "result quality" & formative "process quality") as well as the capacities (possibilities & limits) of the evaluation approach. This paper will show the steps that were taken to answer these questions in the course of our work & to find an adequate solution to the challenges of this task. 20 References. Adapted from the source document.

A brief analysis of the concept of civil society as such, as an example of one of the most developed European countries of Norway considers the effects generated by the freedom and political activists in the civil society of Norway, in particular terrorist attack by Anders Behring Breivik, carried ratio of the civil society of Norway and Ukraine, on the basis of what makes a brief conclusions on possible measures to address the problem in the Ukrainian society.

Moderate social movement organizations (SMOs) often denounce radical SMOs for statements and actions that threaten to alienate potential sources of external support. This paper analyzes the development of such interorganizational hostility in the Southern civil rights movement over the issues of Communist participation, the Vietnam War, and black power. In demonstrating how the moderate SMOs' perceived need for external support aggravated divisions over these issues, this paper calls attention to a major source of interorganizational hostility in the movement that previous work has overlooked.

The following work seeks to bring to light what is the notion of religion that underpins Spinoza's work, in order to find its role within society and in relation to the State. For this, the Treatise on Theology and Politics is analyzed in detail, from the historical analysis of the Bible to its interpretation of the relationship between State and religion, and other texts are used as support, mainly Ethics. ; El siguiente trabajo busca sacar a la luz cuál es la noción de religión que vertebra la obra de Spinoza, para así encontrar su función dentro de la sociedad y en relación con el Estado. Para ello se analiza pormenorizadamente el Tratado teológico-político, desde el análisis histórico de la Biblia hasta su interpretación de la relación entre Estado y religión, y se usan otros textos como soporte, principalmente la Ética.

Данная статья посвящена вопросам соот-ношения гражданского общества и непосредственной де-мократии, их взаимосвязи. Отмечается, что полноценная, объективная, независимая и беспристрастная непосред-ственная властная деятельность народа может осуществ-ляться исключительно при условии функционирования устойчивого и развитого гражданского общества. Также ис-следовано влияние гражданского общества на процессы функционирования государства рассмотрено определение перспективных направлений развития государства, форми-рования органов государственной власти и т.д. Автор отме-чает, что непосредственное народовластие и гражданское общество взаимосвязаны и одновременно взаимозависимы: гражданское общество стимулирует развитие народовла-стия, непосредственной демократии, в то же время народ, осуществляя принадлежащую ему власть непосредственно, развивает гражданское общество, способствует становле-нию его институтов. Делается вывод о том, что граждан-ское общество является неотъемлемой составляющей народного суверенитета, который одновременно выступает его ограничивающим звеном в форме суверенитета личности. ; This article is devoted to the issue of the links between the civil society and the direct democracy, and their interrelationship. It is noted that a complete, objective, inde-pendent and impartial peoples" direct state power activity may be achieved exclusively in sustainable and developed civil soci-ety. The issues of civil society"s influence on the processes of the state functioning, determination of promising directions of its development, the formation of public authorities, based on the principles of democracy (in accordance with the peculiari-ties of the states" political system) are also examined. The au-thor notes that direct democracy and civil society are interre-lated phenomena, and at the same time interdependent: civil society stimulates the development of peoples' power, direct democracy, and people, exercising their power directly, are de-veloping civil society and promoting its institutions. The author concludes that the civil society is an integral part of the peo-ples" sovereignty, limiting for the sovereignty of the individual.

This study analyzes whether subjective well-being measures can explain variation in peaceful uprisings, in addition to the objective measures typically used in analyses of this type of events. Using data on uprisings and subjective well-being for 118 countries from 2007 to 2014 -- a period during which nonviolent conflict became increasingly prevalent -- the study finds evidence of a positive effect of life dissatisfaction on the incidence of peaceful uprising, but not its violent counterpart. This effect does not depend on the type of political regime, nor the stage of development, and, to a large extent, it reflects changes in perceived satisfaction with living standards and the ability to have a purposeful and meaningful life.

This article analyzes citizen education as a factor for the development and progress of our societies. Citizen education favors multiple behaviors, but in the first place it drives the good functioning of democracy. Citizens must know the true motives of the political game, its virtues and its defects, for the achievement of their objectives and for their defense. At present, the relationship between governments and education has been relegated to a secondary position, and this must change. The most relevant international organizations, such as the OECD and UNESCO, among others, emphasize the importance of education for the proper functioning of democratic structures, together with the development and progress of communities. ; Este artículo analiza la educación ciudadana como factor para el desarrollo y el progreso de nuestras sociedades. La educación ciudadana favorece múltiples comportamientos, pero en primer lugar impulsa el buen funcionamiento de la democracia. Los ciudadanos deben conocer los verdaderos motivos del juego político, sus virtudes y sus defectos, para el logro de sus objetivos y su defensa. Actualmente, la relación de los gobiernos con la educación se ha relegado a una posición secundaria y no capital, y esto debe cambiar. Las organizaciones internacionales más relevantes, como la OCDE y la UNESCO, entre otras, enfatizan la importancia de la educación para el funcionamiento adecuado de las estructuras democráticas, junto al desarrollo y progreso de las comunidades.

Human Rights, democracy and violence have been in the past fifteen years the variables that concern in social analysis of Mexico, Mexican reality can't be understood if the intersection of these variables and what causes the national context are not understood. This article addresses from a descriptive and analytical perspective, how each of these mentioned elements allows focusing and understanding of the current situation by which crosses the country and therefore display the sociopolitical future of the country in a century that seems complex and full of unpublished vicissitudes. ; Los Derechos Humanos, la democracia y la violencia han sido en los últimos quince años las variables que preocupan en el análisis social de México, no se puede comprender la realidad mexicana si no se entiende la intersección de tales variables y lo que provoca en el contexto nacional. Este artículo aborda desde una perspectiva descriptiva y analítica, cómo cada uno de estos elementos mencionados permite enfocar y entender la actual coyuntura por la cual atraviesa el país y por lo tanto visualizar el futuro sociopolítico del país, en un siglo XXI que parece complejo y lleno de inéditas vicisitudes.

This article argues that new (and sometimes invisible) forms of civic protest are finding a voice in the age of the Internet. It poses the questions whether these voices of protest are (a) part of a long, militant and sometimes violent tradition of street politics based on class struggle or (b) new, peaceful and creative political (and anti-political) platforms (a metaphysical revolt) offering critical and innovative insights into the possibilities of democratic renewal as part of a process of deepening democracy into more ethical and participatory forms.

 El artículo pretende dilucidar el valor explicativo de la teoría del contrato social en relación con el comportamiento moral o la moralidad de lo que nos debemos unos a otros. Así, se presentan dos momentos relacionados; por un lado, se comparan algunos puntos centrales en las perspectivas de Thomas Hobbes, John Rawls y Thomas Scanlon, dado que estas tienen en común la idea de un acuerdo racional sobre los principios para la acción política, es decir, permiten poner de relieve la característica del sujeto moral como aquel capaz de identificar razones y de guiar su comportamiento en consecuencia. Este punto de análisis resulta fundamental para el segundo momento del artículo, en el que se identifican algunos vacíos en el funcionamiento del Estado de Derecho. ; The article aims to elucidate the explanatory value of the social contract theory in relation to moral behavior or morality of what we owe each other. Thus, they present two related moments; on the one hand, some central points in the perspective of Thomas Hobbes, John Rawls and Thomas Scanlon, are compared, given that these have in common the idea of a rational agreement on principles for political action, i.e., they allow to highlight the characteristic of the moral subject as one who can identify reasons and guide their behaviour accordingly. This point o analysis is essential to the second part of the article, which identifies some gaps in the functioning of the rule of law.