Interpretations of the American Civil war
In: Science & society: a journal of Marxist thought and analysis, Band 1, S. 127-136
ISSN: 0036-8237
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In: Science & society: a journal of Marxist thought and analysis, Band 1, S. 127-136
ISSN: 0036-8237
In: Science & society: a journal of Marxist thought and analysis, Band 6, S. 111-132
ISSN: 0036-8237
In: Journal of The Royal Central Asian Society, Band 26, Heft 3, S. 415-439
In: Science & society: a journal of Marxist thought and analysis, Band 1, S. 273-309
ISSN: 0036-8237
In: Journal of the Royal Central Asian Society, Band 26, S. 415-439
ISSN: 0035-8789
In: Social service review: SSR, Band 4, Heft 4, S. 694-696
ISSN: 1537-5404
In: Science & society: a journal of Marxist thought and analysis, Band 8, S. 223-242
ISSN: 0036-8237
In: American political science review, Band 22, Heft 1, S. 32-44
ISSN: 1537-5943
"Justice is the end of government. It is the end of civil society." Thus the authors of The Federalist defined the purposes of the government created by the Federal Convention. But they reached this definition as the conclusion to a discussion of the factious nature of mankind. Madison had already remarked that the causes of faction could not be removed without abolishing the liberty which is essential to political life. He believed, however, that the control of its effects was within human power. To the mind of the Virginian the vital political forces in the state should be tied up in a nice poise through the clauses of a written constitution. A government so contrived would, as Madison believed, "secure the permanent interests of the country against innovation."The ideal which Madison envisaged was one of dynamic equilibrium. He thought that by deriving the various branches of the government from different sources all positive action to the detriment of established order and guaranteed rights would be checked from the outset. Every safeguard against "the mutability of public councils" was to be embodied in the interior structure of the government itself. It was not enough that government should have a dependence upon the people; "experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions."The political experience to which Madison referred was fresh in the minds of all the men who assembled at Philadelphia in the summer of 1787. It was afforded by the thirteen states, in none of which did political practice square with the expressed provisions of its constitution.
In: Public administration: an international journal, Band 15, Heft 2, S. 194-214
ISSN: 1467-9299
National Income and Outlay By Colin Clark, MA.The Expenditure and Revenue of Local Authorities By Sir Gwilym Gibbon, C.B.Administrative Management in the Government of the United StatesMoscow in the Making By Sir E. D. Simon, Lady Simon, W. A. Robson J. Jewkes.Letters and Essays on Current Imperial and International Problems, 1935–6 By Arthur Berriedale Keith.Social Stability and Economic Change Leadership in a Free Society. By T. N. Whitehead.The British Civil Servant
In: American political science review, Band 38, Heft 3, S. 460-474
ISSN: 1537-5943
The United States Army officially defines military government as "that form of government which is established and maintained by a belligerent by force of arms over occupied territory of the enemy and over the inhabitants thereof." "It is a government imposed by force and the legality of its acts is determined by the laws of war." An application of this definition in the formulation of an adequate and enlightened civil affairs policy brings many difficult problems in its train, and particularly is this true in the modern, complex organization of society and warfare.Thrown into prominence by the war, such problems of military government at present occupy the attention not only of American political and military authorities, but also of numerous scholars and publicists. That the latter should display so keen an interest in what is apparently a strictly military matter is a sign of the growing realization that solution of the problems of military government is vital for the successful prosecution of the war and for establishing the conditions which will make possible an equitable peace settlement. American public opinion, to some extent led and moulded by scholars and publicists, is unmistakably concerned with civil affairs administration of allied occupied territories across the sea and with plans for those yet to be occupied.
In: The political quarterly, Band 13, Heft 2, S. 213-232
ISSN: 1467-923X
book reviewed in this articleThe Higher Civil Service of Great Britain. By H. E. Dale.To the Finland Station. A Study in the Writing and Acting of History. By Edmund Wilson.Treitschke's Origins of Prussianism. Translated by Eden and Cedar Paul.The Prussian Spirit: A Survey of German Literature and Politics, 1914–1940. By S. D. Stirk.Plan for Africa. A report prepared for the Colonial Bureau of the Fabian Society. By Rita Hinden, B. Sc., Ph. D.The Lost Peace. By Harold Butler.The Impulse to Dominate. By D. W. Harding.Church and State in Fascist Italy. By D. A. Binchy.The Dutch East Indies. By A. Vandenbosch.Ourselves and the Pacific. Edited by R. Crawford.French Interests and Policies in the Far East. By R. Levy, G. Lacam and A. Roth.Economic Shanghai: Hostage to Politics, 1937–41. By R. W. Barnett.The Battle for Supplies. By E. V. Francis.
In: American political science review, Band 34, Heft 2, S. 232-235
ISSN: 1537-5943
The authors of the Constitution of the United States regarded it as a triumph for the human spirit in America that a new form of government could be established by the process of discussion, deliberation, and popular action, as distinguished from the age-long processes of violence. Looking backward from their time and forward into our own, we may say that they were justified in their celebration.With reference to a far less momentous occurrence, this modest occasion, we may properly regard as a triumph for the same spirit a voluntary action of public officials and interested citizens looking to the resolute and continuous improvement of the public services. It is this action, the establishment of a Society for Public Administration, that we are ratifying and approving today. These officials and these citizens are no hirelings of a despotic power, taking orders from above. They are not seeking the aggrandizement of a class, bent on exploiting and holding down a subject people. They are not concerned primarily with emoluments, promotions, and honors as such. On the contrary, they are proposing to search their own hearts and minds, to study ways and means of making more efficient and economical the services rendered by government to the people. They do not wish to diminish either civil liberties or individual responsibilities in society. On the contrary, they cherish these eternal values and intend to discover and develop schemes and methods of administration deliberately adapted to the perpetuation of these precious elements in the American heritage.
In: The annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, Heft 213, S. tables
ISSN: 0002-7162
Pt. 1, Introduction; An introduction to legal aid work, by R. H. Smith; The historical background of the legal aid movement, by W. R. Vance; pt. 2, Legal aid work in civil cases; The function of a modern legal aid organization, by J. S. Bradway; Epitome of legal aid history in the United States (1876-1925), by A. F. Bigelow: The New York legal aid society (1876-1925), by Leonard McGee; The Legal aid bureau of the United charities of Chicago, by M. R. Gariepy; The Philadelphia legal aid bureau of the Department of public welfare, by R. C. Hassrick; St Louis municipal legal aid bureau, by F. C. Donnell; Legal aid by privately supported organizations, by C. E. Clarke; Legal aid in the smaller cities, by M. A. Hill; pt. 3, Legal aid work in criminal cases; The difficulties of the poor man accused of crime, by Justin Miller; The office of public defender, by W. J. Wood; The voluntary defender in criminal cases, by Louis Fabricant; Assigned counsel in criminal cases, by William Kaumheimer; pt. 4, Special