Suchergebnisse

An understanding of women's participation in civil society in Egypt is important in light of several developing trends. Egypt is currently witnessing some movement in the direction of democratic transformation. Since women constitute half of the population, it is essential to understand the extent of their participation in the organizations of civil society. This is especially true since indicators on women's political participation in Egypt over the last two decades (both as voters and candidates) indicate a decrease in female candidates and voters.

How have women in the Arab world fared in the development and promotion of civil society in the region? The following contributions to this issue of Al-Raida will give us a glimpse into the world of women activists in Arab civil society and whether they have made any achievements. One will conclude that the road is still long and arduous, yet important steps have been taken by men and women activists working to promote the role of Arab women in civil society organizations.

Have Arab women been able to be more effective and empowered through their work in civil society organizations? The answer to this question is both in the negative and positive i.e. women have made great achievements yet there are still serious obstacles to be overcome in addition to the setbacks that have occurred. This issue of Al-Raida will address this question through the articles within its pages.

The Polish struggle has been characterized by many of its participants in terms of society against the state. This opposition first became apparent in the eighteenth century when the concept of civil society emerged; in Eastern Europe, however, both state & economy were stronger than society, leading to the emergence of state structures into which economy & society were absorbed. An intellectual movement has gradually emerged for structural reform instituted from below. Possible organizational types include monism, state corporatism, societal corporatism, & pluralism or syndicalism; at present, Poland's only options are the last two. The corporatist solution is most desirable for the ruling party, & could find backing from the Catholic Church. Decentralization is needed to solve the economic crisis, but threatens the party's capacity to intervene arbitrarily in the economy by leading to the creation of a system of private law. The ultimate solution requires both the preservation of socialism & the emergence of a socialist civil society whose relations with the state will be mediated through parliamentary or similar means. W. H. Stoddard.

As issues of citizenship and civil society have taken center-stage in recent years – partly as a result of the challenges of globalization, and partly as a result of democratic struggles in various parts of the world – the question of women's citizenship has assumed prominence. Some feminist scholars stress the longstanding struggle of women for rights and empowerment (Lister, 1997; Narayan, 1997; Yuval-Davis, 1999). Others argue that the autonomous, rights-bearing citizen is a Western construct, and that citizenship and civil society are patriarchal and capitalistic constructs (Pateman, 1988). Nevertheless, rights, citizenship, civil society, and democratization are increasingly in demand in developing countries, including the Arab world. For women, citizenship concerns social standing, political participation, and national membership. Empirically, women's citizenship is reflected in their legal status, in access to employment and income, in the extent of their participation in formal politics, and in the formation of women's organizations.

Few countries have been as frequently described in terms of national character as Turkey. Even the earliest observers of the Ottoman Empire appear anxious to set their findings into some generalized formula of the Turkish ethos. The term used to refer to these attempts at national stereo-typing in the lingua franca of the Levant was Alia Turca behavior, an expression which has survived into modern Turkish.

In some passages of the Ṛgveda, the Upaniṣads, the Mahābhārata and the Pali canon there are references to a casteless millennium of equality, plenty and piety which was supposed to have existed in some remote unrecorded antiquity. It was the golden age of kṛta or satyayuga when there was only one caste of deva (gods) or Brāhmaṇa, when people called no goods their own nor women their chattels, when crops were produced without toil and all were pious and happy. The legendary Uttarakurus of the far north were a model of this Arcadian society of godly men who lived in their natural virtue, rich in physical and moral wealth without any disabilities of sex and distinctions of property and, consequently, who received the blessings of God in the form of timely rain and juicy harvest (Mbh. VI. 6. 13; Dīghanikāya, xxxii. 7).

This article will endeavor to explore Sudanese women's involvement in civil society. It will investigate their roles as actors in public life with emphasis on their roles in conflict resolution and peace reconstruction. The paper argues that Sudanese women are active members in civil society, yet they face many obstacles, which could hinder their full involvement in development and the peace process.