Suchergebnisse

Many of the thousands of Russians who protested against the Soviet system in 1990/91 are still around. In 2001, there were an estimated 200,000 nongovernmental organizations. However, like the civil society in general, they are contributing little to consolidate democracy. Questioned here is whether the public even constitutes a civil society, so little do they do to develop democratic institutions. This chapter analyzes the development of both Soviet & post-Soviet society in terms of their demonstration of independence from as opposed to obedience to the state. It is argued that, like political parties, they do not have a cultural precedent for civic action, nor do they have sufficient economic resources, since post-Soviet economic development in Russia has benefited only a few, who have no reason to change the status quo. The history of what might be called Russia's civil society is traced, & possibilities for change are suggested. J. Stanton

The growth of the concept of civil society in Venezuela since the 1970s is explored to argue that the origin of organized civil society is located in the struggle between the military & civilians which has dominated Venezuelan political history. The two different modes and of formation & development of civil society in Venezuela are distinguished as first, a traditional variant forms by unions & professional associations co-opted by political parties prior to 1958, & second, a new civil society that arose at the margin of the system of representation established within the framework of the Pact of Punto Fijo. Venezuelan civil society during the Punto Fijo is characterized as a space of nonparty, nonstate, voluntarily formed, nonprofit citizen organization which arose outside the interest group & labor union world. The formative stage of the new civil society in Venezuela occurring during the 1960s & 70s is characterized as the appearance of autonomous urban organizations oriented towards improving the living conditions of neighborhood & women's groups, promoting & providing educational work in communities, & environmental & cooperative struggles. The second stage of new civil organization beginning in 1989 seemed an ever-growing quantitative & qualitative presence in public life that culminated in a crucial role in the constitutional design of the new political system in 1999 that has resulted in a reenergizing of the parties & diminishing the space of the new civil society. The Fifth Republic's attempt at statist incorporation has led civil society to an open & direct confrontation with the state & the government parties, resulting in the politicization of civil society. The Venezuelan democratic model will include from now on, a politically mobilized civil society that can influence & hold more accountable political parties & government. J. Harwell

Compares the notion of civil society to other forms of social arrangements, drawing on the secondary literature. Typically, social forms of organization are faced with incompatibility between the need for control & authority & the desire for moral forms of affiliation. Thus, while voluntary associations are often referred to as the cornerstone of civil society, if they are too large or hierarchical, they lose the key moral aspects that supposedly define that sphere. Some social movements avoid this dilemma, but, to achieve long-term success, they often evolve into strongly intolerant voluntary associations. The network is also identified as an alternative form of social organization characteristic of civil society, but it too suffers from the tension between obligations & control & a democratic sensibility. It is concluded that to establish & reproduce civil society is a difficult & fragile process. Therefore, successful efforts in this regard ought to be understood as contingent, vulnerable achievements that depend on a unique organizational constellation & historical context. 26 References. D. Ryfe

Despite the recent emphasis on civil society as an engine for transforming the political & social arenas, it is questionable whether the foundations necessary for the creation & maintenance of civil society are present in contemporary social formations. In fact, the requisites for creating civil society have been steadily undermined in Europe, North America, & elsewhere in the recent past. Today's society is properly understood as a post-civil society. The social networks & forms of cooperation embedded in contemporary social practices could prove to be the source of a new movement, with new forms of exchange & a new concept of liberation. 32 References. A. Funderburg

Despite the recent emphasis on civil society as an engine for transforming the political & social arenas, it is questionable whether the foundations necessary for the creation & maintenance of civil society are present in contemporary social formations. In fact, the requisites for creating civil society have been steadily undermined in Europe, North America, & elsewhere in the recent past. Today's society is properly understood as a post-civil society. The social networks & forms of cooperation embedded in contemporary social practices could prove to be the source of a new movement, with new forms of exchange & a new concept of liberation. 32 References. A. Funderburg

Important role played by civil society in a democratic transition is explored using the example of the Ukranian Orange Revolution. Despite the uniqueness of every revolution, there are two ways civil society's influence is important in all revolutions. The first is in the correlation between civil society's level of maturity & the form & manner of public protest. The second is reflected in the eventual outcome of the democratic transition. Other universal factors include evidence of government subversion of the election process & widespread fraud. Two key advantages in the case of the Ukraine were the existence of a unique concept of civil society that favored loose communities attuned to political information & analysis, & the development of a civil society that was open to the establishment of election monitoring & polling. Additionally important was an informed citizenry, & the presence of volunteers trained by Yellow Pora in underground organizing techniques. The seventeen day nonviolent protest in Maidan is asserted to have created a qualitatively new type of civil society, one that transcended the need for connection with state or government, & one centered on a new civic nationalism. The author concludes by arguing that the nonviolent & innovative strategies of Ukrainian civil society so important in the Orange Revolution, exemplify the importance of a strong civil society. J. Harwell

To explore how civil society constitutes itself in weak states and how the state and other factors, such as a country's historical legacy, its political system, its ethnic composition, its majority religion, or its level of economic growth, influence the development of national civil societies, this study takes the empirical, analytical literature on civil society as a starting point (e.g. Alexander 1998; Guan 2004; Lauth 2003; Lewis 2001; Wischermann 2005). Notably, this literature suggests that the concept of civil society must be systematically contextualized. A relational understanding that consequently relates civil society to the context of action in which it operates is a fruitful approach to this endeavour (Lorch 2006). Building on the works of Alexander (1998, pp. 7f.), Gosewinkel (2003), Gosewinkel and Rucht (2004), Gosewinkel et al. (2004) and Croissant et al. (2000, pp. 11ff.), such a relational approach assumes that in real, existing civil societies, normative characteristics, such as "civility", the generation of social capital and the performance of certain democratic functions, can exist only in degrees. Concurrently, the relational approach likewise supposes that real, existing civil societies will also always display certain dark sides, such as clientelism and organizational hierarchies, and that the relationship between the democratic features and dark sides within such real, existing civil societies depends on the scope of action available to civil society actors.

Though a contemporary civil society is beginning to surface in Pakistan, this chapter argues that Pakistan's version of civil society is "savage," in that it is tied to a unique strain of capitalism that is often found in environments that are poor, multiethnic, & multilingual. The chapter comprises four main sections: (1) the contemporary unfolding of civil society, (2) the relationship that exists between capitalism & inequality, (3) the development of civil society in Pakistan, & (4) the need to further analyze Pakistani & other emerging civil societies. K. Larsen

Though a contemporary civil society is beginning to surface in Pakistan, this chapter argues that Pakistan's version of civil society is "savage," in that it is tied to a unique strain of capitalism that is often found in environments that are poor, multiethnic, & multilingual. The chapter comprises four main sections: (1) the contemporary unfolding of civil society, (2) the relationship that exists between capitalism & inequality, (3) the development of civil society in Pakistan, & (4) the need to further analyze Pakistani & other emerging civil societies. K. Larsen

The contributions that national & international civil society can make to nations' realization of transitional justice are pondered. An overview of the challenges posed by transitional justice emphasizes three things that any transitional justice movement must consider, eg, the contextual specificity of each nation's transition to democracy. Eight objectives to be accomplished in achieving transitional justice are identified, including the ascription of past wrongdoing to proper groups & the promotion of public deliberation about past collective misconduct. After reviewing competing models of civil society, several things that civil society can do to encourage transitional justice are discussed, eg, the use of civil society groups to evaluate historical violations of people's human rights & to substantiate state wrongdoing; nevertheless, several caveats against using national civil society to promote transitional justice are offered. In addition, the role played by international civil society in facilitating the achievement of transitional justice is studied; specifically, it is claimed that global civil society can bolster national civil society groups & temporarily replace certain social & political institutions. J. W. Parker