Suchergebnisse

Civil society is a necessity without which democracy can turn into political technocracy. The neoliberal ideology faces new challenges forcing a rethink underlying the individual and the state and free media and its activity and specificity. We encounter a vivid problem when a group of people who own the media resources have all the tools to shape the public opinion according to their demands. Public commentators become the subjects of public opinion when they analyze the current events. The discourse which is created by these people has suggestibility, subjectivism and ideological style thus creating and having influence on the public opinion. This factor led to more closely analyze the Lithuanian media commentators public discourse in the context of civil initiatives and to evaluate the influence of the discourse of civil society development, based on the principles of liberal democracy. The object of this work is Lithuanian news agencies "Delfi.lt", "15min", "Lrytas.lt", and "lrt.lt" commentator's publications related to the mass initiatives of "supermarket boycott" and "protests against the new Labour Code" which both happened in 2016. The paper examines discreditation of civil initiatives, as one of the attributes of a liberal democracy, in the public space. In order to examine the problem, there are 5 tasks to fallow: (1) to discuss the main features of the collective activities of liberal democracy; (2) to assess the media as a political tool of communication to the public knowledge; (3) to disclosure the selected social initiatives characteristics; (4) to perform selected media portals public commentators publications qualitative discourse analysis, highlighting the main findings; (5) to assess the dominant media portals statements by liberal democratic criteria and assessing the significance of the discourse for civil society. The qualitative discourse analysis method was used for the analyzed problem. A structured interview was also used as a method which helped to disclose and assess the positions of the online media commentators for the relevant civil initiatives. The research revealed that the initiative "supermarket boycott" attempted not only to use its collective action resources to change the market prices but to have solidarity with the most vulnerable social groups as well. Meanwhile the protesters against the new Labour Code were holding a position against the bill thus creating resonance within the society and contributing to the growth of the protest culture in Lithuania. The discourse of the public commentators in the public space assessing the civil and social initiatives opposes the liberal democracy principals where free people meetings (freedom of association) are one of the core ideas of liberal democracy. While having the resources to construct the public opinion, the public commenter's limit the possibilities for other opposing doctrines to appear and act - allowing us to make a conclusion that pluralism is not appreciated. The dominant discourse implies ideas about negative consequences for the liberal and civil society's development.

Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.

Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.

Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.

Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.

Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.

Civil-military relations in Lithuania have serious deficiencies, which have appeared because of the simulation of a recommended Western model of civilian control. After regaining Independence, Lithuania had the difficult task of creating its armed forces and system of national defence following the Western model. At the same time we had to implement two political programs: to create functio-ning armed forces and a institutional-legal system of democratic civil-military control. However, this control is not only proper laws and functioning institutions. Equally, an important role must be given to intellectual reflection, which enables the posing of questions such as: what is war; how is the character of war changing; how does this affect Lithuanian defence policies and the perception of threats? Raising such questions inside the armed forces and in wider political and civil society is an essential condition for having effective and flexible civilian control over the military.

The object of this study is the state health policy in the field of treatment and prevention of HIV infection in Belarus. The subject of the study is the process of interaction between the State and civil society to solve social problems on the example of the Information Strategy on HIV / AIDS in Belarus. The purpose of the work is to determine and analyze the algorithm for creating an information strategy as a tool for the influence of civil society on state policy in the field of health. To achieve this goal, the following tasks of the master's work were formulated: to consider the stages of development of health policy in Belarus; to analyze the instruments of public policy of the health system; to identify mechanisms of interaction between the state and civil society; to formulate the results of the work of the HIV / AIDS Information Strategy in Belarus; compare information strategies created in Belarus by analogy with the HIV / AIDS Information Strategy, as well as identify the availability of similar health care tools in the field of HIV prevention; predict the effectiveness of the "soft power" method in the implementation of the new version of the HIV Information Strategy for the democratization of society and decision-makers in relation to key groups. The study was conducted using a quality methodology. As a result of the analysis, a mechanism of interaction between the state and civil society to solve social problems was identified, and the possibility of influencing the public health policy process in an authoritarian regime was proved. Possible scenarios for the implementation of the new edition of the document are formulated. Master's work can be useful for political researchers, researchers in international relations, employees of government agencies and for public and international organizations, for wide range of readers interested in the functioning of public health policy as the possibility of influencing the decision-making process.

The object of this study is the state health policy in the field of treatment and prevention of HIV infection in Belarus. The subject of the study is the process of interaction between the State and civil society to solve social problems on the example of the Information Strategy on HIV / AIDS in Belarus. The purpose of the work is to determine and analyze the algorithm for creating an information strategy as a tool for the influence of civil society on state policy in the field of health. To achieve this goal, the following tasks of the master's work were formulated: to consider the stages of development of health policy in Belarus; to analyze the instruments of public policy of the health system; to identify mechanisms of interaction between the state and civil society; to formulate the results of the work of the HIV / AIDS Information Strategy in Belarus; compare information strategies created in Belarus by analogy with the HIV / AIDS Information Strategy, as well as identify the availability of similar health care tools in the field of HIV prevention; predict the effectiveness of the "soft power" method in the implementation of the new version of the HIV Information Strategy for the democratization of society and decision-makers in relation to key groups. The study was conducted using a quality methodology. As a result of the analysis, a mechanism of interaction between the state and civil society to solve social problems was identified, and the possibility of influencing the public health policy process in an authoritarian regime was proved. Possible scenarios for the implementation of the new edition of the document are formulated. Master's work can be useful for political researchers, researchers in international relations, employees of government agencies and for public and international organizations, for wide range of readers interested in the functioning of public health policy as the possibility of influencing the decision-making process.

The focus of this paper is the notion of a learning society in Lithuania. Lithuania, as a EU member, is in the process of implementation of a Lisbon strategy, which declared the goal of creation the knowledge society until the year 2010. The main task is to identify the peculiarities and problems that impede the creation and development of a learning society in Lithuania. The different aspects have been analyzed: primarily, the higher education system and the notion of lifelong learning, then the conception of a learning region in Lithuania, and finally the creation of a learning economy with effective innovation systems. It is claimed that Lithuania, being an educated country with high percentage of students enrolment, is not competitive enough, and that lifelong learning depends not only on the policy of a government, but on the motivation of the citizens, the approach of the employers and a strength of a civil society. It is also claimed that the spontaneous creation of learning regions lies in the social capital (trust, social capabilities). An interactive and systemic innovation system based on the partnerships and networks, with a strong value of a human factor, can guarantee a better competitive advantage.

The focus of this paper is the notion of a learning society in Lithuania. Lithuania, as a EU member, is in the process of implementation of a Lisbon strategy, which declared the goal of creation the knowledge society until the year 2010. The main task is to identify the peculiarities and problems that impede the creation and development of a learning society in Lithuania. The different aspects have been analyzed: primarily, the higher education system and the notion of lifelong learning, then the conception of a learning region in Lithuania, and finally the creation of a learning economy with effective innovation systems. It is claimed that Lithuania, being an educated country with high percentage of students enrolment, is not competitive enough, and that lifelong learning depends not only on the policy of a government, but on the motivation of the citizens, the approach of the employers and a strength of a civil society. It is also claimed that the spontaneous creation of learning regions lies in the social capital (trust, social capabilities). An interactive and systemic innovation system based on the partnerships and networks, with a strong value of a human factor, can guarantee a better competitive advantage.

The society decentration analysed in the article is related to society democratisation, which started in the West in the 20th century. One of the main features of democratisation is criticism of hegemonic discourses and emphasis on possibility of pluralistic thinking. The potential of coexistence of different world-views arises from perception that all the great narratives of reality cognition that had existed historically and pretended to be a truth, as J. F. Lyotard noticed, were just the symbolic structures supported by power, which were subjectively made objective. Hence, the democratic society, unlike societies controlled by autocratic, authoritarian or totalitarian power, is always concerned with decentralisation of governmental power by giving a right of speaking not only to representatives of government, but also to members of society. It shows that individual members of society or their groups have a right to assess governmental decisions taken or being taken in a critical perspective and suggest variants of world perception different from those of the government. Structurally, the article is divided into two parts: a) we discuss the preconditions for formation of society democratisation, b) we analyse course-books on the fundamentals of public-spirit education, which are intended for Lithuanian comprehensive schools in pursuance of ascertainment of how the content of the course-books is actually oriented towards development of a free, critically thinking person accepting a variety of views, which is typical of a democratic society.

The society decentration analysed in the article is related to society democratisation, which started in the West in the 20th century. One of the main features of democratisation is criticism of hegemonic discourses and emphasis on possibility of pluralistic thinking. The potential of coexistence of different world-views arises from perception that all the great narratives of reality cognition that had existed historically and pretended to be a truth, as J. F. Lyotard noticed, were just the symbolic structures supported by power, which were subjectively made objective. Hence, the democratic society, unlike societies controlled by autocratic, authoritarian or totalitarian power, is always concerned with decentralisation of governmental power by giving a right of speaking not only to representatives of government, but also to members of society. It shows that individual members of society or their groups have a right to assess governmental decisions taken or being taken in a critical perspective and suggest variants of world perception different from those of the government. Structurally, the article is divided into two parts: a) we discuss the preconditions for formation of society democratisation, b) we analyse course-books on the fundamentals of public-spirit education, which are intended for Lithuanian comprehensive schools in pursuance of ascertainment of how the content of the course-books is actually oriented towards development of a free, critically thinking person accepting a variety of views, which is typical of a democratic society.

The article is dedicated to the discussion about the notions of the 'political system' and 'political regime' in the fields of its meanings as autonomous analytical constructions. The main arguments are that the 'political system' describes a stable and normal political process and determinate interrelations between power structures and civil society institutions as a complex sociopolitical unity. On the other hand, concept of 'political regime' stresses dynamic aspects of the government activity as a realization of the basic political functions. Pointing to the fact that a political system explains events and relations in the modern democratic context and a regime -- its peculiarities in the process of decision-making, the authors share attention to specific negative aspects of the separate interpretation and recognition of the various forms in the national politics spheres. All these conditions may sharp influence over the quality of the authority decisions, feedback among political institutions as a civic interests representatives etc. And otherwise, this implies that the political systems and political regimes realize an isomorphic similarity for taking evasive action between them. Adapted from the source document.

The concept of state capture, which is widely used when speaking about corruption in transitional democracies, defines illegitimate and non-transparent influence on state policy development. Though widely-spread in Lithuania, this phenomenon still has not been studied thoroughly by Lithuanian scholars. The phenomenon of state capture in Lithuania is analyzed in this article emphasizing three main aspects: its' prevalence, forms and reasons. After the short introduction on state capture the authors analyze this phenomenon using the Lithuanian case study, which is based on the analyses of legal acts, other surveys, scientific papers, and the interview with representatives of the Transparency International Lithuanian Chapter. The analysis showed that level of state capture in Lithuania decreased during the period of 1999 – 2002 but increased in 2005; however, there are not enough data to confirm the latter conclusion. Institutions mostly affected by state capture are legislative (Seimas), executive (Government), judicial and political parties. Business enterprises, separate individuals and foreign countries (especially Russia) sought to influence the formation of public policy in corrupt ways in Lithuania. ; Straipsnyje analizuojama pereinamojo laikotarpio šalyse paplitusios ir politikos formavimą veikiančios specifinės korupcijos formos - valstybės užvaldymo - problema Lietuvoje. Pateikus problemos teorinį diskursą, parodoma valstybės užvaldymo paplitimas Lietuvoje ir jo formos pagal dvi skirtingas klasifikacijas. Akcentuojamos politinės ir ekonominės šios korupcijos formos priežastys, atskirai aptariamas pilietinės visuomenės vaidmuo kovoje su valstybės užvaldymu.