Suchergebnisse

Einstellungen zum USIA Film "The Hour of Choice".

Themen: Beurteilung des Films; Kritik an Präsentation, Text, Sprecher
und Bildern des Films; Einstellung zur europäischen Einigung;
Bereitschaft, wirtschaftliche Nachteile wegen der europäischen Einigung
in Kauf zu nehmen; wirtschaftliche Vorteile der europäischen Einigung;
Gründe für eine europäische Integration; Beeinflussung der Einstellung
zur europäischen Idee durch den Film; Intention des Films zum vereinten
Europa; Zielpublikum des Films.

Demographie: Geschlecht; Schulbildung; Alter.

Die Organisationen des Dritten Sektors waren in Deutschland lange Zeit fast ausschließlich
in drei Rechtsformen tätig: als Verein, als Stiftung oder als Genossenschaft.
Als traditionelle Alternativen zu unternehmerischen Organisationsmodellen
sind ihre Zielstellungen primär an solidarischen beziehungsweise zivilgesellschaftlichen
Prinzipien ausgerichtet. Bereits seit den 1990er Jahren lässt sich innerhalb
des gemeinnützigen Sektors in Deutschland jedoch ein neuer Rechtsformpragmatismus
und mithin ein deutlicher Trend zur unternehmerischen Organisationsform
beobachten. Gerade Vereine als Träger sozialer Dienstleistungen wurden häufig
durch wirtschaftlichere, schlankere Organisationsformen ersetzt (Erster Engagementbericht
2012: 328). Auch werden marktfähige Organisationssegmente aus bisher
integrierten Strukturen ausgegründet. Insbesondere die gemeinnützige GmbH
(gGmbH) etablierte sich dabei als innovative Mischform aus privatwirtschaftlichem
Unternehmen und Dritter-Sektor-Organisation.

The globalization process has brought questions regarding the detriments and benefits of a shrinking world to the forefront of academic research. The closer integration and intensification of worldwide social relations has become a social fact of our globalized era. Within this compression of social relations, technological advancements, and increase in travel, CouchSurfing (the largest and most general hospitality exchange network) materialized. While much excitement, speculation, and even fear has emerged in the popular press regarding hospitality exchange networks, there has been a dearth of academic and systematic exploration of the motivations, effects, meanings, and processes behind this growing phenomenon. This dataset will elucidate and provide a greater understanding of this alternative mode of travel in the following distinct, yet interrelated areas: emergence and sustained commitment of this transnational network; development of meaningful intercultural engagement; elements of risk and trust; insight into the interplay between the transnational network and local cultures; resistance to globalization; and finally the development and maintenance of international understanding and global civil society.

This project focused upon forms of participatory democracy elaborated 'from below' and implemented both in the internal organization of social movements and in experiments with deliberative decision-making. In particular, the project analyzed the issue of active democracy emerging in the theories and practices of movements demanding a 'globalization from below'.
Social movements criticize the fundamentals of conventional practices of politics, and experiment with new models of democracy both in their internal structure and in the ways in which they interact with political institutions. Of particular interest for the project were the conceptions and practices of democracy developed in the global movement/s mobilizing transnationally and demanding social justice and participatory democracy.
The ensuing debate about democracy is particularly relevant both for the development of civil society, and for the legitimization of political institutions at local, national and supranational levels. Our research – focusing on six European countries (France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Spain and Switzerland), as well as the EU itself – embraced an analysis of documents pertaining to both movements and public institutions, websites, semi-structured interviews with Non-Governmental Organizations and public administrators, surveys of movement activists, participant observation of movement groups and experiences of participatory decision-making.

This project focused upon forms of participatory democracy elaborated 'from below' and implemented both in the internal organization of social movements and in experiments with deliberative decision-making. In particular, the project analyzed the issue of active democracy emerging in the theories and practices of movements demanding a 'globalization from below'.
Social movements criticize the fundamentals of conventional practices of politics, and experiment with new models of democracy both in their internal structure and in the ways in which they interact with political institutions. Of particular interest for the project were the conceptions and practices of democracy developed in the global movement/s mobilizing transnationally and demanding social justice and participatory democracy.
The ensuing debate about democracy is particularly relevant both for the development of civil society, and for the legitimization of political institutions at local, national and supranational levels. Our research – focusing on six European countries (France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Spain and Switzerland), as well as the EU itself – embraced an analysis of documents pertaining to both movements and public institutions, websites, semi-structured interviews with Non-Governmental Organizations and public administrators, surveys of movement activists, participant observation of movement groups and experiences of participatory decision-making.

This project focused upon forms of participatory democracy elaborated 'from below' and implemented both in the internal organization of social movements and in experiments with deliberative decision-making. In particular, the project analyzed the issue of active democracy emerging in the theories and practices of movements demanding a 'globalization from below'.
Social movements criticize the fundamentals of conventional practices of politics, and experiment with new models of democracy both in their internal structure and in the ways in which they interact with political institutions. Of particular interest for the project were the conceptions and practices of democracy developed in the global movement/s mobilizing transnationally and demanding social justice and participatory democracy.
The ensuing debate about democracy is particularly relevant both for the development of civil society, and for the legitimization of political institutions at local, national and supranational levels. Our research – focusing on six European countries (France, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Spain and Switzerland), as well as the EU itself – embraced an analysis of documents pertaining to both movements and public institutions, websites, semi-structured interviews with Non-Governmental Organizations and public administrators, surveys of movement activists, participant observation of movement groups and experiences of participatory decision-making.

Objectives: This project aims to advance knowledge in labour politics by focusing on the 'contentious politics of unemployment', i.e. the relationship between political institutional approaches to employment policy and political conflicts mobilized by collective actors over unemployment in the public domain. It is designed to study this topic at national, international comparative, and transnational levels. Key objectives: (a) to generate new data for longitudinal and comparative analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships; (b) to study the potential for political participation 'from below' by citizens campaigning for the rights of the unemployed and the conditions under which existing organizational networks and policy dialogues transform in a more open civil policy deliberation; (c) to provide knowledge based on rigorous cross-national and EU-level transnational analyses allowing grounded empirical statements about the Europeanisation of the field. Description: As the contested and negotiated character of the employment policy field expresses itself both in the public domain and in the institutional arenas for interest mediation, we look both at political claim-making in the public space and policy deliberation within the polity. The overall design of the research has three main components: (a) mapping the field of political contention, i.e. structures of ideological cleavages and actor relationships, both longitudinally and cross-nationally; (b) examining the nature of the multi-organizational field extending from the core policy domain to the public domain, i.e. networks and channels of political influence between core policy actors and intermediary organizations, on one side, and civil society organizations and social movements representing the unemployed (including the unemployed themselves), on the other; (c) studying the nature of the interaction between EU-level and national policy-making by determining the channels of political influence that exist between European institutions and national policy domains in the field (the multi-level governance of employment policy), and examining to what extent there are new political opportunities for the bottom-up empowerment of citizens' organizations as a consequence of the emergence of the EU as an actor in the field. A new body of data will be generated which will allow for longitudinal (1990-2002) and comparative (F, D, I, S, CH, UK) analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships in the unemployment issue-field. This will be backed up by interviews conducted with key actors in the organizational field (policy actors, employers associations, trade unions, parties, NGOs and social movements) both at the national and transnational levels. Innovative attempts will be made to establish networks and links between the involved actors as part of our dissemination strategy, which is key to the overall success of the project. Expected results: The success of this project is underwritten by the European dimension. It will provide the first systematic cross-national comparison of the contentious politics of unemployment based on original data. It has a high potential for being a path-breaking academic study in labour politics, social movements and Europe. The findings will feedback understanding to the actors in the field, facilitated through our dissemination strategy which aims to contribute toward a constructive social dialogue.

Objectives: This project aims to advance knowledge in labour politics by focusing on the 'contentious politics of unemployment', i.e. the relationship between political institutional approaches to employment policy and political conflicts mobilized by collective actors over unemployment in the public domain. It is designed to study this topic at national, international comparative, and transnational levels. Key objectives: (a) to generate new data for longitudinal and comparative analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships; (b) to study the potential for political participation 'from below' by citizens campaigning for the rights of the unemployed and the conditions under which existing organizational networks and policy dialogues transform in a more open civil policy deliberation; (c) to provide knowledge based on rigorous cross-national and EU-level transnational analyses allowing grounded empirical statements about the Europeanisation of the field. Description: As the contested and negotiated character of the employment policy field expresses itself both in the public domain and in the institutional arenas for interest mediation, we look both at political claim-making in the public space and policy deliberation within the polity. The overall design of the research has three main components: (a) mapping the field of political contention, i.e. structures of ideological cleavages and actor relationships, both longitudinally and cross-nationally; (b) examining the nature of the multi-organizational field extending from the core policy domain to the public domain, i.e. networks and channels of political influence between core policy actors and intermediary organizations, on one side, and civil society organizations and social movements representing the unemployed (including the unemployed themselves), on the other; (c) studying the nature of the interaction between EU-level and national policy-making by determining the channels of political influence that exist between European institutions and national policy domains in the field (the multi-level governance of employment policy), and examining to what extent there are new political opportunities for the bottom-up empowerment of citizens' organizations as a consequence of the emergence of the EU as an actor in the field. A new body of data will be generated which will allow for longitudinal (1990-2002) and comparative (F, D, I, S, CH, UK) analyses of ideological and policy positions of actors and their relationships in the unemployment issue-field. This will be backed up by interviews conducted with key actors in the organizational field (policy actors, employers associations, trade unions, parties, NGOs and social movements) both at the national and transnational levels. Innovative attempts will be made to establish networks and links between the involved actors as part of our dissemination strategy, which is key to the overall success of the project. Expected results: The success of this project is underwritten by the European dimension. It will provide the first systematic cross-national comparison of the contentious politics of unemployment based on original data. It has a high potential for being a path-breaking academic study in labour politics, social movements and Europe. The findings will feedback understanding to the actors in the field, facilitated through our dissemination strategy which aims to contribute toward a constructive social dialogue.

Answers to cognitive probes implemented in (cross-national) web surveys ("web probing")
(1) Replication of closed-ended items on attitudes towards immigrants from the International Social Survey Program (ISSP), addition of a follow-up probe:
Immigrants increase crime rates.
Immigrants are generally good for Germany's economy.
Immigrants take jobs away from people who were born in Germany.
Immigrants improve German society by bringing in new ideas and cultures.
Probe after each item (split): Which type of immigrants were you thinking of when you answered the question?

The study and results are described in detail here:
Braun, Michael, Dorothée Behr, and Lars Kaczmirek. 2013. "Assessing cross-national equivalence of measures of xenophobia: evidence from probing in web surveys." International Journal of Public Opinion Research 25 (3): 383-395. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ijpor/eds034.

(2) Replication of item on civil disobedience from the ISSP, addition of a follow-up probe:
How important is it that citizens may engage in acts of civil disobedience when they oppose government actions? (Not at all important 1 ... Very important 7)
Probe: What ideas do you associate with the phrase "civil disobedience"? Please give examples.

The study and results are described in detail here:
Behr, Dorothée, Michael Braun, Lars Kaczmirek, and Wolfgang Bandilla. 2014. "Item comparability in cross-national surveys: results from asking probing questions in cross-national web surveys about attitudes towards civil disobedience." Quality & Quantity 48 (1): 127-148. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11135-012-9754-8.

The aim of the project is to clarify the relationship between social and political forms of civic involvement. Participation in clubs, associations, self-help groups, citizens' initiatives and organisations of all kinds is understood as a mechanism of social integration that is linked to other integration bodies - the family, work, the neighbourhood and the circles of friends - in mutual dependence. Political participation is considered the centerpiece of democratic integration. Traditional forms of political integration are in crisis. Decreasing participation in elections and votes as well as organisational problems of parties and other conventional interest groups (especially trade unions) can be observed in various countries, including Switzerland. Systematic-empirical comparative studies have shown, however, that despite these erosion phenomena liberal democracy is not fundamentally threatened in its existence. Alternative forms of political and social integration have gained in importance in the political process. New types of organisations such as informal networks, self-help groups, citizens' initiatives and unconventional forms of political participation have increased to such an extent that there is talk of a "participation boom" and a new "civil society solidarity". These two opposing trends, and in particular the uncertainty as to how they are to be interpreted, have led to a variety of social science debates: Communitarianism, for example, sees the family, the neighbourhood and non-governmental organizations as antipodes to the self-destructive forces released by liberalism and individualized claim thinking.
With the radical changes in Eastern and Central Europe, the concept of civic society has once again gained in importance. This provides for a strong network of intermediary organisations, which mediates between the macro-level of the state and the economic structures and the micro-level of the individual, as a necessity for the establishment and consolidation of democratic systems. A third debate concerns the concept of social capital. This raises the question to what extent social trust and the ability and willingness to work in voluntary organisations determine the efficiency and effectiveness of democracies and economic growth. Despite the many debates, the connection between social and political forms of participation is still unclear: On the one hand, participation in the social sphere serves integration, the articulation and mediation of interests and is partly understood as a "school of democracy" - especially with regard to learning democratic decision-making on a small scale. On the other hand, social (or non-state) forms of organization can have anti-democratic effects - e.g. the "dark side" of social capital such as rigid social control, intolerance towards outsiders or corruption. Furthermore, social participation as an institutional reality can serve as a basis for recruiting and mobilising political participation, but it also takes up resources of time and energy, which can lead to the depoliticisation of committed individuals. Political commitment therefore also competes with other leisure activities - especially with regard to "voluntary" activities; politics as such loses relative importance for the individual engaged in the social sphere. With the help of a general population survey and an in-depth organisational study at local level, the political function of social participation is to be examined. This project forms the Swiss part of an international comparative study of the ESF network "Citizenship, Involvement, Democracy".

At the beginning of the 1990s, the United Nations Economic Commission for Europe (ECE) launched a project to conduct international comparative surveys on family and birth rates in European countries (Fertility and Family Surveys - FFS).
For the past three decades, Europe has seen profound changes in birth rates, education and family structures. In this context, various authors speak of a "second demographic upheaval". In many European countries, the following trends are emerging: declining birth rates, together with combined birth rates which remain below the level necessary for generational survival (1.49 in Switzerland at the time of the survey in 1994 and 1.50 in 1996), a declining tendency to marry and the emergence of new family forms (consensual couples, single-parent families, blended families). If these trends continue, significant demographic consequences are to be expected, with correspondingly drastic consequences for social and economic organisation (one issue is above all the ageing of the population).
The collection of biographical data makes it possible to collect detailed information at the individual level, which supplements the census data. The course of life in our society is becoming increasingly complex and diverse. Censuses can collect little information on the biography of individuals, but this information is essential for understanding and explaining changes in behaviour in terms of birth rates and partnership. The collection of biographical data thus provides an important basis for statistics and scientific research. Another objective of this study is to provide information to those involved in the development of family and social policies. An optional module of the questionnaire (not adopted by Switzerland) is dedicated to population policy and serves to monitor the effectiveness of this policy. The plan for an international survey on family and birth rates in Europe therefore pursues the following objectives:
- Providing information on families and birth rates that complements census and marital status data and can be used for scientific purposes, but also for political and administrative purposes;
- Provision of data that can be used to develop more precise population scenarios;
- Testing of new hypotheses concerning the determinants of parental and partnership behaviour;
- Investigation of problems related to family and birth policies;
- Comparisons of recent developments in family and birth rates in European countries.
Each participating country carries out a representative sample survey based on a standardised questionnaire. The data collected are therefore comparable with those of other countries.
The Swiss Federal Statistical Office had planned to conduct a survey on family and birth rates as part of its microcensus programme. Official statistics in our country have few data that allow an analysis of the profound changes in this area. The project of the Economic Commission for Europe offered Switzerland the opportunity to conduct such a survey and at the same time participate in an international comparative research programme. The basic concept for this was drawn up in 1992. The Swiss Federal Statistical Office, which collaborated with the Institute of Sociology at the University of Zurich and the Laboratoire de démographie économique et sociale at the University of Geneva, was in charge of the overall management of the project on behalf of the Federal Council.
The objectives of the survey were as follows:
- To provide an overview of recent developments and the current situation of the family and the birth rate in Switzerland;
- To study the interactions between education, employment, family lifestyles and birth rates;
- To shed light on the changes in attitudes and values about family and child.
This survey allows (lifecourse-related) longitudinal analyses as a supplement to the (momentary) cross-sectional studies of the situation in the areas of birth rate, tendency to marry and household structure based on census and civil status data. This information is intended for those involved in social and family policy decisions and for scientific research.

Vor über einhundertdreißig Jahren (am 17. November 1881) wurde mit dem Verlesen der Kaiserlichen Botschaft zur Eröffnung der fünften Sitzungsperiode des Reichstages die Ära der staatlichen Sozialpolitik eingeleitet. Als erstes Land Europas ergriff das Deutsche Reich damit die Initiative zur Errichtung obligatorischer staatlicher Sozialversicherungen Zwei Jahre später wurde das erste Sozialversicherungsgesetz im Reichstag verabschiedet, 1884 trat die obligatorische Krankenversicherung in Kraft. Noch im gleichen Jahrzehnt folgten auch die Unfall- und die Rentenversicherung. Seither haben auch alle anderen Länder Westeuropas staatliche Versicherungen gegen Arbeitsunfälle, Krankheit, Alter und Arbeitslosigkeit geschaffen, die auch gegenwärtig den institutionellen Schwerpunkt des Wohlfahrtsstaates darstellen. Die vorliegende Studie zur historischen Entwicklung der Sozialversicherung in Westeuropa ist im Rahmen des HIWED-Projektes (Historische Indikatoren der Westeuropäischen Demokratien, Projektleiter: Wolfgang Zapf und Peter Flora) entstanden. Dieses Projekt wurde von 1973 bis 1979 von der Stiftung Volkswagenwerk finanziert. Sein wesentliches Produkt ist ein umfassendes Datenhandbuch über politische, gesellschaftliche und wirtschaftliche Entwicklungen in Westeuropa im Zeitraum von 1815 bis 1975. Die Studie von Jens Alber mit komparativen Statistiken zur historischen Entwicklung der Sozialversicherung in westeuropäischen Ländern in historischer Perspektive bildet das neunte Kapitel in dem ersten Band des Datenhandbuchs. Untersucht werden alle Länder Westeuropas außer Griechenland, Portugal und Spanien. Im Vordergrund stehen die quantitative Beschreibung des Wachstums der Sozialausgaben und der Bevölkerungsanteile, die von den sozialen Programmen und Leistungen erfasst werden. Die Datensammlung umfasst Einnahme- und Ausgabendaten der Unfall-, Kranken-, Renten- und Arbeitslosenversicherung für 13 westeuropäische Länder, soweit sie in den nationalen statistischen Jahrbüchern seit Einführung der Programme verfügbar waren. Die Finanzdaten sind nach Ausgabenarten und Einnahmekategorien gegliedert. Als ein Maß für die sozialpolitischen Anstrengungen eines Landes wird in dieser Studie – wie allgemein üblich - die Sozialleistungsquote verwendet. Dabei werden die Sozialausgaben ins Verhältnis zum Sozialprodukt (Bruttoinlandsprodukt) gesetzt ("expenditure ratios"). Schließlich bildet die Darstellung der Entwicklung von Mitgliederdaten (der jeweils erfasste Personenkreis der vier Sozialversicherungen) einen weiteren Datenschwerpunkt.
Neben der Datensammlung publizierte Jens Alber eine makrosoziologische Untersuchung mit Analysen zur Entwicklung der Sozialversicherung in Westeuropa. "Die Beschreibung der zusammengestellten komparativen Daten soll die grundlegenden Gemeinsamkeiten und Variationen der Sozialversicherungsentwicklung in Westeuropa deutlich machen. Die Analysen sollen dann einige der Bedingungsfaktoren der Entstehung und Entwicklung der sozialen Sicherungssysteme aufzeigen, um erklärungskräftige von weniger fruchtbaren sozialwissenschaftlichen Hypothesen zu trennen und zu einer kumulativ fortschreitenden Theoriebildung über den Wohlfahrtsstaat beizutragen. Das erste Kapitel schildert zunächst die Ursprünge der staatlichen Sozialversicherungspolitik und stellt die Entstehung der Sicherungssysteme in den Kontext des gesellschaftlichen Strukturwandels Europas im 19. Jahrhundert. Das zweite Kapitel untersucht, welche sozialwissenschaftlichen Erklärungen der Entstehung und Entwicklung der Systeme bislang verfügbar sind. Ziel dieses Kapitels ist eine Bestandaufnahme der bisherigen sozialwissenschaftlichen Erkenntnisse über den Wohlfahrtsstaat, die auf bislang offene Fragen verweist, welche in den Analysen des dritten Kapitels aufgegriffen werden. Die erste Analyse untersucht die zeitlichen Variationen der Einführung der Sozialversicherung. Im Vordergrund steht die Frage, ob die Sozialversicherung primär ein Erfordernis der sozio-ökonomischen Entwicklung darstellte, oder ob sie besser als Produkt politischer Auseinandersetzungen verstanden wird. Die zweite Analyse untersucht die Ausdehnung der westeuropäischen Sozialversicherungssysteme anhand der quantitativen Daten über ihren Mitgliederkreis. Die dritte Analyse hat die institutionelle Entwicklung der Systeme am Beispiel der Arbeitslosenversicherung zum Gegenstand. Das vierte Kapitel fasst die wichtigsten Analyseergebnisse zusammen und formuliert Schlussfolgerungen für die sozialwissenschaftliche Theorie des Wohlfahrtsstaates" (Alber, J., 1982: Vom Armenhaus zum Wohlfahrtsstaat. Analysen zur Entwicklung der Sozialversicherung in Europa. Frankfurt/Main/New York: Campus, S. 20-22).
Das neunte Kapitel des Datenhandbuchs (Jens Alber: Income Maintenance) "… presents data on the development of the major public social programmes. 'Social security' is defined following the practice of the International Labour Office. It embraces the four social insurance schemes (occupational injuries, health, pension, and unemployment insurance), public health, family allowances, social assistance, benefits to war victims, and the special transfers to civil servants. Data on the coverage of the four social insurance schemes are presented for the period from the introduction of a given type of insurance programme to 1975. Data on the expenditure and receipts of social security programmes are reported for the period from 1949 to 1974.
Data are mainly presented country by country, in the form of tables and graphs. The chapter begins, however, with six comparative tables with selected ratios for all 13 countries. The first three of these comparative tables give ratios of various expenditure categories as percentages of gross domestic product (social security expenditure and social insurance and public health expenditure, both including administrative costs; benefit expenditure, excluding these costs for pensions, health, unemployment, and family allowances). The fourth table shows the part taken by public authorities and employers in the financing of social security and the last two of the comparative tables give coverage ratios, i.e. the members of insurance schemes (pension, medical benefit, occupational injuries and unemployment insurance) as a percentage of the labour force.
The comparative part is followed by a series of tables and graphs with the national data on social security expenditure, its financing, and coverage of insurance schemes for each country. The first table gives the aggregate amounts of social security and social insurance expenditure, as well as its breakdown according to major programmes (public assistance, family allowances, public health, and the fur insurance schemes for health, pensions, occupational injuries and unemployment). All figures pertain to net expenditure, excluding transfers among single schemes. They refer either to calendar years or – in the case of Denmark, Ireland and the United Kingdom - to financial years ending in the stated calendar year. Expenditures for the single programmes do not add up to the reported total social security expenditure, because the outlays for a war victims and public employees are not included in the tables. Information on the percentage of total social security benefit expenditure spent for public employees, however, is contained in one of the graphs. Total social insurance expenditure corresponds to the sum of the four reported insurance schemes. The tables on the financing of social security report the receipts for total social security and total social insurance for the period from 1949 to 1974, as well as the receipts for the four major social insurance programmes in selected years. In addition to the aggregate figures, the percentage distribution of receipts by source of contribution is given. The three major sources are: insured persons, employers, and public authorities (summing up contributions by central government, receipts from local government bodies and special taxes allocated to social security). The last category, "other", includes income from capital and contributions classified by the International Labour Office as "other receipts".
The final table on social insurance coverage gives the figures of the members of the four major insurance schemes" (Alber, J., 1983: Income Maintenance, in: Flora, P., u. a., 1983: State, Economy, and Society in Western European 1815 – 1975. Vol. I: The Growth of Mass Democracies and Welfare States; Chapter 9. Frankfurt/Main u. a.: Campus u. a. , S. 453f).

Datentabellen in HISTAT:
A. Übersichten, westeuropäischer Ländervergleich
A.01a Die Entwicklung der Sozialversicherungsausgaben: Anteile am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (1900-1975)
A.01b Die Entwicklung der Ausgaben für die soziale Sicherung: Anteile am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (1949-1974)
A.01c Leistungen der Rentenversicherung: Anteile am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (1949-1974)
A.01d Leistungen der Krankenversicherung: Anteile am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (1949-1974)
A.01e Leistungen der Arbeitslosenversicherung: Anteile am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (1949-1974)
A.01f Leistungen der Familienbeihilfe: Anteile am Bruttoinlandsprodukt (1949-1974)
A.02 Die Ausdehnung der Sozialversicherung in Westeuropa (1885-1975)
A.03a Mitgliederkreis der Unfallversicherung, in % der Erwerbsbevölkerung in Westeuropa (1885-1975)
A.03b Mitgliederkreis der Krankenversicherung, in % der Erwerbsbevölkerung in Westeuropa (1885-1975)
A.03c Mitgliederkreis der Rentenversicherung, in % der Erwerbsbevölkerung in Westeuropa (1885-1975)
A.03d Mitgliederkreis der Arbeitslosenversicherung, in % der Erwerbsbevölkerung in Westeuropa (1885-1975)
A.04 Fünfjährlicher Zuwachs des Index der Sozialversicherungsausdehnung (1880-1975)
A.05 Ausdehnungsniveau und Wachstum der Sozialversicherung nach Perioden (1900-1975)
A.06 Finanzierungsanteile in der sozialen Sicherung: In Prozent der Gesamteinnahmen (1949-1974)
B. Die sozialen Sicherungsprogramme in den einzelnen Ländern
Der Datenbestand im Teil B umfasst jeweils drei Tabellentypen für jedes europäische Land:
B.1a Gesamtausgaben für die soziale Sicherung (1949-1974)
B.1b Die Entwicklung der Leistungsausgaben für die soziale Sicherung (1949-1974)
B.2 Finanzierung der sozialen Sicherungsprogramme (1949-1974)
B.3 Reichweite (Versicherte) der Sozialversicherungsprogramme (1888-1975)