Suchergebnisse

Worldwide, Lao PDR has been identified among 57 countries with a critical shortage and skewed distribution of its health workforce, especially in remote and rural areas (Guilbert 2006, World Bank 2015). Healthcare education is provided by the public sector through nine public health training institutes in the country: The University of Health Sciences (UHS) in Vientiane Capital provides medical related programs including medicine, dentistry, pharmacy, medical technology, nursing basic sciences and post graduate studies, with the other institutions located at provincial levels: three Regional Public Health Colleges, four Provincial Public Health Schools and one Nursing School. The annual output from these institutions is approximately 2,000 (Department of Organization and Personnel (DOP), 2013). This study focuses on supply-side policies to determine the key challenges and policy implications regarding improved availability and retention of staff in remote areas. This possibly stems from, among other reasons, the following: (a) limited government quotas to recruit and place health workers in rural areas (i.e. in 2013 1,045 recruitment quotas were allocated to MOH, of which 882 (84.4 percent) were given to provinces, districts and health centers nationwide); (b) health workers'preference to work in urban areas with better income and professional career development opportunities; and (c) low self-confidence of new graduates to work independently in rural areas which is attributable to insufficient clinical practice during training, due in part to the excessive number of student intakes to training institutes. The shortage of middle and high level health workers at primary and secondary health care facility levels leads to a major gap in access to quality health care services between urban and rural areas.

Section one of the papers provides a brief overview of the relationship between the Sahel region of Africa and climate variability trends and predictions, ultimately posing the primary research question of the study: Is the Sahel region more likely to have a higher probability of conflict and migration as a result of climate change and climate change-related events? In section two, research and analysis aim to identify causal paths between climate change, migration, and conflict via structural equation modeling focusing on recent climate change trends in the Africa and Sahel regions, particularly changes in temperature and rainfall, and analyzing the consequences of this climate variabil¬ity, namely migration and conflict. Section three brings the aspect of youth into the analysis, arguing that youth living in the rural Sahel region will likely find themselves particularly vulnerable to in¬creased climate change and variability, which will have direct and indirect implications on the security and livelihoods of these individuals. The paper explores the past, current and predicted issues faced by rural Sahel youth affected by the impacts of climate change, such as chronic unemployment and engagement in the illicit sector due to rural to urban migration from regions affected by drought, desertification and resource scarcity. The final section of the paper offers policy recommen¬dations for addressing negative climate-change related consequences through two key paths of intervention: (i) climate change adaptation measures and (ii) conflict and crime prevention measures.

Este trabajo de tesis doctoral, que tiene por objeto esencialmente la protección que el valor medio ambiente tiene en nuestro sistema constitucional, se estructura en cuatro capítulos que contextualizan dicha protección y que aportan elementos de aplicación concreta en el ámbito local y en las prácticas ciudadanas. Sus cuatro grandes bloques temáticos se inician con uno inicial que aborda el estudio de los aspectos internacionales de la protección del medio ambiente, que incluye la protección del medio ambiente a nivel universal, en particular las cumbres internacionales de Naciones Unidas sobre medio ambiente, desde la primera de 1992 hasta las celebradas en 2019 Nueva York y Madrid. Este capítulo primero también se centra en la Unión Europea, en sus diferentes programas de acción de los últimos cuarenta años, abordando también los últimos avances, en particular, la nueva normativa de la Unión Europea frente al cambio climático, o el Pacto Verde Europeo, uno de los ejes estratégicos de la nueva Comisión Europea para el período político 2019-2024. Por último, este capítulo inicial aborda la protección constitucional del medio ambiente en algunos Estados iberoamericanos (Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, México, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Uruguay y Venezuela), y la importante Encíclica del Papa Francisco Laudado Si, de 2015, Sobre el Cuidado de la Casa Común. La parte central de la tesis doctoral se dedica al tratamiento que la constitución española de 1978 otorga al medio ambiente. Desde aspectos conceptuales previos, hasta la protección del medio ambiente como objetivo constitucional, pasando por el establecimiento normativo de sanciones penales derivadas de la protección constitucional del medio ambiente, la naturaleza de la protección del medio ambiente en nuestra Constitución o la obligación constitucional de conservar el medio ambiente como contenido del Estado social, con varias propuestas de reforma constitucional. También se aborda en esta parte central el reparto competencial entre el Estado y las Comunidades Autónomas de la materia medio ambiente, las competencias del Estado Español en materia ambiental, descendiendo a cuestiones concretas como la organización administrativa estatal, el Ministerio para la Transición Ecológica, así como instrumentos de planificación política como el Plan Nacional Integrado de Energía y Clima 2021-2030. En la parte final de este capítulo segundo se abordan cuestiones como las competencias de las Comunidades Autónomas en medio ambiente, la jurisprudencia del Tribunal Constitucional en relación la protección del medio ambiente, o el enfoque multinivel en la protección del medio ambiente, con un epígrafe dedicado al papel de los Ayuntamientos. El capítulo tercero se dedica a la protección del medio ambiente en la Comunidad Autónoma de Andalucía. En concreto, se abordan cuestiones como la protección del medio ambiente en el Estatuto de Autonomía para Andalucía, las competencias de la Comunidad Autónoma de Andalucía en materia ambiental, normativa andaluza ambiental de desarrollo en materia de prevención y control ambiental, sobre calidad ambiental, sobre gestión del agua o la nueva ley andaluza frente al cambio climático, así como la organización política-administrativa de la gestión ambiental en Andalucía. Y en cuarto lugar, se aborda la parte experimental de la tesis doctoral, derivada de una amplia experiencia profesional, institucional, académica y ciudadana del autor en relación al objeto temático de la tesis doctoral. Bajo la denominación de "ciudadanía, participación y medio ambiente", se tratan cuestiones como el bien común medioambiental, la implicación de la ciudadanía en la protección del medio ambiente, las iniciativas ciudadanas en la ciudad de Córdoba en defensa del patrimonio común, la participación ciudadana en la gestión del medio ambiente, el movimiento universal de la juventud en defensa del medio ambiente (acción global los viernes por el futuro), ecofeminismo, o la cooperación del poder local con la ciudadanía en la aplicación de políticas concretas de protección del medio ambiente. En la parte final de este esencial capítulo de la tesis doctoral se incorpora la experiencia de la ciudad de Córdoba en la protección del medio ambiente, en particular la experiencia en la gestión de los residuos urbanos en la Ciudad de Córdoba en la que el autor estuvo vinculado durante varios años como responsable de gestión municipal, la labor educativa del Instituto Municipal de Gestión Medioambiental de Córdoba, la iniciativa ciudadana por el Parque Natural Sierra Morena de Córdoba o el foro ciudadano por el derecho a la ciudad, iniciativas ciudadanas en las que el autor ha participado activa y directamente. Entre las conclusiones del trabajo, destacan algunas de reforma constitucional, otras de acciones públicas concretas, ya sean legislativas o de implementación de políticas públicas, así como de impulso desde la sociedad civil de iniciativas ciudadanas de cuidado del bien común medio ambiental. En la última de las conclusiones, la trigésima, el autor plantea la oportunidad de que, en este final de década del siglo XXI, pudiera surgir el "Estado ecologista", como una profundización y especial compromiso del Estado social. La estructura estatal, como organización racional del poder político, que empezó siendo un Estado liberal de Derecho, que evolucionó hacia el Estado democrático y, finalmente, pensando en el bienestar material general, llegó a ser un Estado social en el siglo XX, quizá en la tercera década del presente siglo, esa estructura política Estado ha de pensar en el entorno de vida que nos rodea, con carácter transversal y prioritario, y convertirse así, en una cuarta dimensión, en un "Estado ecologista". La tesis incluye, finalmente, un anexo documental con los hechos históricos 1901-2019 sobre movilidad urbana y cambio climático a nivel global, en España y en Córdoba, otro con datos básicos del medio ambiente en Andalucía, un tercero con normativa ambiental de Andalucía, otro con normativa ambiental de España, y uno final con modelos de escritos a la Administración en temas ambientales, así como un amplio apartado de bibliografía y de fuentes de información electrónicas. ; This doctoral thesis work, which essentially aims at the protection that the environmental value has in our constitutional system, is structured in four chapters that contextualize said protection and that provide elements of concrete application at the local level and in citizen practices. Its four major thematic blocks begin with an initial one that addresses the study of international aspects of environmental protection, which includes the protection of the environment at a universal level, in particular the United Nations international summits on the environment, from the first of 1992 until those held in 2019 New York and Madrid. This first chapter also focuses on the European Union, in its different action programs of the last forty years, also addressing the latest developments, in particular, the new European Union regulations on climate change, or the European Green Pact, One of the strategic axes of the new European Commission for the 2019-2024 political period. Finally, this initial chapter deals with the constitutional protection of the environment in some Latin American states (Argentina, Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Mexico, Nicaragua, Paraguay, Uruguay and Venezuela), and the important Encyclical of Pope Francisco Laudado Si, of 2015, About the Care of the Common House. The central part of the doctoral thesis is dedicated to the treatment that the Spanish constitution of 1978 gives to the environment. From previous conceptual aspects, to the protection of the environment as a constitutional objective, through the normative establishment of penal sanctions derived from the constitutional protection of the environment, the nature of the protection of the environment in our Constitution or the constitutional obligation to preserve the environment as content of the social State, with several proposals for constitutional reform In this central part, the competence distribution between the State and the Autonomous Communities of the environment, the competences of the Spanish State in environmental matters, descending to specific issues such as the state administrative organization, the Ministry for Ecological Transition, as well as as instruments of political planning such as the National Integrated Energy and Climate Plan 2021-2030. In the final part of this second chapter, issues such as the competences of the Autonomous Communities in the environment, the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court in relation to the protection of the environment, or the multilevel approach to environmental protection are addressed, with a dedicated heading to the role of the Town Halls The third chapter is dedicated to the protection of the environment in the Autonomous Community of Andalusia. Specifically, issues such as environmental protection are addressed in the Statute of Autonomy for Andalusia, the competences of the Autonomous Community of Andalusia in environmental matters, Andalusian environmental regulations for environmental prevention and control, on environmental quality, on water management or the new Andalusian law against climate change, as well as the politicaladministrative organization of environmental management in Andalusia. And fourthly, the experimental part of the doctoral thesis is approached, derived from a broad professional, institutional, academic and citizen experience of the author in relation to the thematic object of the doctoral thesis. Under the name of "citizenship, participation and environment", issues such as the common environmental good, the involvement of citizens in the protection of the environment, citizen initiatives in the city of Córdoba in defense of the common heritage, participation are discussed citizen in environmental management, the universal youth movement in defense of the environment (global action on Friday for the future), ecofeminism, or the cooperation of local power with citizens in the application of concrete environmental protection policies environment. In the final part of this essential chapter of the doctoral thesis, the experience of the city of Córdoba is incorporated into the protection of the environment, in particular the experience in the management of urban waste in the City of Córdoba in which the author was linked for several years as responsible for municipal management, the educational work of the Municipal Institute of Environmental Management of Córdoba, the citizen initiative for the Sierra Morena Natural Park of Córdoba or the citizen forum for the right to the city, citizen initiatives in which the Author has participated actively and directly. Among the conclusions of the work, some of the constitutional reform, others of concrete public actions, whether legislative or the implementation of public policies, as well as the promotion from civil society of citizen initiatives for the care of the common environmental good stand out. In the last of the conclusions, the thirtieth, the author raises the opportunity that, in this end of the decade of the 21st century, the "Ecological State" could emerge, as a deepening and special commitment of the social State. The state structure, as a rational organization of political power, which began as a liberal State of Law, which evolved into the democratic State and, finally, thinking about general material welfare, became a social State in the twentieth century, perhaps in In the third decade of the present century, that political structure of the State must think about the environment of life that surrounds us, with a transversal and priority nature, and thus become, in a fourth dimension, an "Ecological State". The thesis includes, finally, a documentary annex with the historical events 1901-2019 on urban mobility and climate change at a global level, in Spain and in Córdoba, another with basic data of the environment in Andalusia, a third with environmental regulations of Andalusia, another with environmental regulations in Spain, and a final one with written models to the Administration on environmental issues, as well as a large section of bibliography and electronic sources of information.

Desde la perspectiva de fines del siglo XX, los regímenes políticos de la España de los . Ciertamente, hay que subrayar que las costumbres y la vida cotidiana de los españoles cambió sustancialmente entre 1923 y 1936. La tímida pero imparable introducción de nuevos medios de transporte transformó el paisaje urbano. El automóvil, dirigido hacia la locomoción individual de los consumidores más pudientes, comenzaba a proliferar por las vías de las principales ciudades, forzando la ampliación de calles y modificando los usos habituales de la red pública. En paralelo, el crecimiento demográfico de las urbes impulsó tanto la construcción de viviendas (la más de las veces desordenada y de escasa calidad) como la expansión del Metropolitano (Madrid, Barcelona), al igual que las líneas de tranvías y los autobuses de enlaces con la provincia. Estos últimos, junto a los camiones, vinieron a completar el transporte de personas y mercancías por ferrocarril, estimulando el tendido de numerosos kilómetros de caminos vecinales y carreteras provinciales. También la radio irrumpió a mediado de los veinte. De lámparaspara los de mayores posibilidades y degalena para el común de las gentes, los receptores comenzaron a formar parte del mobiliario doméstico, canalizando las noticias que antes sólo llegaban a través de la prensa. Por su parte ésta, comenzó a difundir información gráfica gracias a los últimos adelantos técnicos. La expansión del telégrafo y del teléfono contribuyeron a la mejora de las comunicaciones, aunque sujetos a la protección menopolística de la Dictadura (Telefónica, CAMPSA, Tabacalera, Compañía Arrendataria de Fósforos, etc.). Fueron también los años del avance de la aviación y de la promesa de los dirigibles, acariciando algunos la posibilidad de convertir a Sevilla en el aeropuerto terminal de Europa (Tomás de Martín-Barbadillo). Por último y para concluir el cuadro de aquellas innovaciones modernizadoras, cabe subrayar cómo la mujer se incorporó lenta pero inexorablemente a la vida pública (participación en el plebiscito de 1926, ingreso creciente en la población activa, nombramientos de concejalas en 1928, estreno del voto femenino en las elecciones de 1933). Buena parte de estos fenómenos se amplificaron en la Sevilla que estaba preparándose para celebrar con el máximo ornato la tan esperada como retrasada Exposición Iberoamericana (1929). Al sensible crecimiento vegetativo de la ciudad se le sumó la inmigración atraída por los puestos de trabajo del proyectado Certamen, precipitando el hacinamiento en barriadas periféricas surgidas sin orden ni concierto (Cerro del Águila, Villalatas, Amate). Y es que Sevilla mostraba sensibles contrastes. Por un lado, sufría frecuentes inundaciones y también, paradójicamente, un deficiente suministro de aguas, responsabilidad de una empresa extranjera (The Seville Water Works Company Limited). Contaba con un sistema de alumbrado para la Exposición (farolas diseñadas por Aníbal González), mientras muchos ciudadanos carecían de suficiente fluido eléctrico. Capital orgullosa de sí, pero capaz de plegarse a los designios de José Cruz-Conde (el tercer hombre más influyente de España, después del Alfonso XIII y de Primo, según el diplomático Carlos Morla Lynch). Feudo aparente del conservador marqués de Torrenueva y, a la vez, centro de disturbios estudiantiles que tantos problemas dieran al gobernador, conde de San Luis, y al ministro de la Gobernación, marqués de Hoyos. Baluarte anarquista y comunista durante la República, radical y socialista en las elecciones de 1931, pero también vivero de la primera sublevación grave contra el régimen nacido el 14 de abril (Sanjurjo). Cuna de líderes republicanos (Martínez Barrio, José Díaz) y campo de experimentos del Nuevo Orden tras el 18 de julio. A la vez cofrade y crisol de huelgas violentas. Foco destacado de la Masonería española y lugar de nacimiento de la Liga Católica. Ciudad semindustrial y terciaria en medio de una provincia agrícola. Es en esas coordenadas cronológicas y espaciales donde emplazamos el objeto de estudio: la Diputación Provincial de Sevilla. Un análisis fundamentado en la respuesta a estos dos interrogantes: 1ª) ¿qué puede aportar el estudio de las instituciones político-administrativas al conocimiento de la España contemporánea?; y 2ª) ¿por qué elegir dentro del conjunto de este tipo de organismos a la entidad provincial? El Estado, como comunidad de personas asentadas en un territorio fijo y sujetas a una dirección política común, se encuentra constituido por tres elementos básicos: población, territorio y poder (Andrés de Blas, Ramón Cotarelo). Este último –es decir, el poder o la capacidad para imponer obediencia desde una autoridad- se sirve de dos tipos de instrumentos (Duverger): los ideológicos (legitimidad, soberanía) y los materiales (órganos y aparatos del Estado). Planteado este esquema conceptual, se entiende que el estudio de las instituciones político-administrativas resulta imprescindible para observar las formas de ejercer el poder. Lo llamativo es que este relevante campo de investigación no haya despertado todavía el suficiente interés entre los estudiosos, mientras que otras cuestiones como el movimiento obrero, el papel del sindicalismo o la politología –especialmente la de los partidos externos al sistema- sí han recibido brillantes tratamientos, tanto en forma de síntesis globales como en obras de rango local. Es decir, hasta no hace mucho se ha analizado más la historia de loscontra-poderes que el comportamiento preciso del propio poder, bien por las influencias ideológicas derivadas de la coyuntura política de los últimos años del franquismo y la transición democrática, bien por la acumulación de trabajos en determinadas parcelas historiográficas marcando tendencia generales, consideradas dignas de atención. Compárese, a modo de ejemplo, el número de monografías sobre la historia del sindicalismo con aquéllas otras que tratan de los organismos públicos responsables, en mayor o menor medida, de paliar las causas de la conflictividad social. Diseccionar las pautas de comportamiento de las instituciones (insistimos, soportes del poder) obliga a mostrar también las interrelaciones gobernantes-gobernados. No se trata sólo de esbozar la composición de unas corporaciones, saber quién ocupa determinados cargos o precisar el origen de la selección del personal político (sea por elecciones o por nombramiento gubernativo). Es todo eso, pero también lo es enlazar su actuación gestora con las realidades materiales y humanas objetivas sobre las que hubo de desplegarse. Este estudio sobre la Diputación Provincial de Sevilla ha sido realizado sobre la premisa de no perder esos referentes de la realidad. Otro aspecto a resaltar en la parcela de la historia de las instituciones lo constituye su interacción con la política. Ya durante el siglo XIX y la gestación del Estado liberal no pocos tratadistas se esforzaron en deslindar las esferas de lo político y lo administrativo. Ante el panorama de la creciente politización del funcionamiento del Estado y el enraizamiento del fenómeno caciquil, la práctica totalidad de los proyectos de reforma de la Administración recogieron declaraciones de expresa –y teórica- separación entre el apasionado campo de las luchas partidistas y el área –supuestamente neutra- de las decisiones de gobierno. Hasta tal punto llegaron a calar estos mensajes en la opinión pública que no fue excepcional el que un gobernador, un concejal o un diputado provincial formulasen públicos votos por dejar "en las puertas" su utillaje político y prometieran dedicarse a la gestión de los asuntos públicos bajo la más estricta independencia. Sin embargo, esos propósitos se hicieron tan inviables como el total divorcio entre la figura del político y del gestor público. Y es que, naturalmente, la Política y la Administración son dos asuntos distintos pero comparten intersecciones en los órganos del Estado, en las corporaciones y en los cargos públicos. Sabido es que el político es una figura y la función que pueda desempeñar en el aparato del Estado es otra. Ambas poseen, evidentemente, mucho en común, aunque presentan diferencias sustanciales. Es en este punto donde la historia de las instituciones tiene bastante que ofrecer al campo de la historia política. Comprendida dentro de ésta se encuentran: los programas; las pugnas ideológicas; los organigramas de las formaciones políticas; las campañas electorales; la génesis, desarrollo y evolución de las agrupaciones; el funcionamiento de los partidos; y, entre otros extremos, los individuos políticos. Ahora bien, ese conjunto de elementos se guía por determinadas conductas que pueden cambiar parcial o totalmente (de hecho, lo hacen) cuando el político o un partido pasa a asumir responsabilidades públicas. En este aspecto, fue bien relevante el cambio de actitud que registraron los partidos externosantes de 1923 en Sevilla: cuando eran beneficiarios delencasillado, guardaban sus baterías más agresivas contra el caciquismo de las formaciones dinásticas. Tampoco sería menor la transformación de republicanos y socialistas a la hora de ocupar los ayuntamientos o las diputaciones provinciales a raíz del cambio de abril de 1931. Valga una muestra: Hermenegildo Casas, presidente de la Diputación Provincial durante el primer bienio, abandonó su agresividad verbal como miembro del Ayuntamiento hispalense de 1930. Es más: su gestión al frente del organismo de la provincia le desmarcó de su propio partido (PSOE), del que acabaría saliendo en 1934. Creemos conveniente, por tanto, completar la historia política con las conclusiones aportadas por este tipo de estudios. Por último, resulta muy útil el análisis de las instituciones –y, dentro de éstas, de las locales- para inferir el modelo de Estado en que están inscritas y en qué medida cumplen su función ante los ciudadanos. Ese enfoque constituye, a nuestro juicio, un ángulo privilegiado para comprender tanto los problemas del edificio estatal español durante el primer tercio del siglo XX (déficit, desestructuración, ineficacia) como el arranque de las alternativas regionalistas o nacionalistas, que tuvieron sus orígenes no sólo en componentes culturales (lengua, tradición) sino en la escasa operatividad que el Estado centralizado brindó a sus ciudadanos-contribuyentes. Y es que los responsables políticos durante la Dictadura primorriverista y la Segunda República no corrigieron las inercias y los vicios del edificio estatal. Si Primo de Rivera no se atrevió a suprimir las diputaciones provinciales, tampoco los gobernantes republicanos reorganizaron en profundidad la estructura del Estado –adjetivado comointegral- salvo el reconocimiento de algunas autonomías (Cataluña). Y todavía resulta una cuestión pendiente. Baste recordar la última polémica suscitada por el cuestionamiento de los gobernadores civiles como figuras adecuadas dentro del Estado de las autonomías. Lo afirmado en párrafos anteriores avala suficientemente el valor de la historia de las instituciones político-administrativas. Ahora bien, ¿qué particularidades ofrecen las diputaciones para ser objetos de estudio? Varias son las razones que justifican la opción. En primer lugar, las diputaciones eran piezas estratégicas dentro del sistema político-administrativo español. Encargadas de velar por los intereses de las provincias, estaban emplazadas entre el Gobernador Civil y los ayuntamientos, lo que les convertía en elementos clave en coyunturas electorales durante la Restauración. Muchos reformistas a comienzos de siglo las consideraban auténticas lacras, viveros de caciquismo y paradigmas de la corrupción. En general, eran fieles obedientes a las consignas de Gobernación, transmitidas a través del gobernador de turno, y atendían regularmente el sometimiento político de las localidades de la provincia. Pero no es solo ésta la única vertiente atractiva de las diputaciones para los investigadores. De hecho, después de 1923 siguen presentando un enorme interés por la entrada en vigor del Estatuto Provincial de José Calvo Sotelo, en aquel entonces director general de Administración Local (marzo 1925). Aquella obra legislativa superaba a la vieja Ley Provincial de 1882 tanto en sus aspectos técnicos como en sus efectos prácticos: las diputaciones recibieron competencias y un sensible reforzamiento de sus recursos, alentando el desarrollo de una amplia actividad en materia de obras públicas y beneficencia. Obviamente, cabe adjudicar parte de aquel desenvolvimiento material a la coyuntura de bonanza económica de los años veinte, pero también es cierto que los responsables de las corporaciones provinciales durante los gobiernos Berenguer/Aznar y las nuevas comisiones gestoras republicanas reconocieron las cualidades del Estatuto, al plantear proyectos de reforma inspirados en él. Es decir, la abundancia material de los años veinte no hizo sino realzar las capacidades potenciales intrínsecas del Estatuto Provincial.

The twentieth century (characterized by the gruesome and haze of horror of two World Wars, the Cold Wars-CW, dictatorships, civil wars, genocides, etc.) has seen a great transformation in warfare but to the expense of the innocent civilians and yet in the full view of regulatory internationally recognized war-laws. So, if at one point in history, civilian populations hardly suffered war directly, the order of the state of affairs has now changed. Many civilians perish simply because warlords so desire; extremes of violence, killings and destruction of property is predominantly preferred. As if that is not enough, the indifference of the majority of the public in tranquil zones of the world towards the fate of the civilians in zones under by fire kind of provide implicit licenses to violence planners to do whatever it takes to "win". Consequently, great numbers of survivors are seen trying to escape from situations of assured death to that of probable death. It is against this background that we feel moved to take on this dissertation. Bearing in mind the generally complex and challenging contemporary conflicts that acutely breeds volatile security environments (for civilians), our thesis is that there needed to be an increased, noteworthy and continued applicable innovation of approaches to civilian protection. To be precise, as a strategy to sustainable peace, we have aspired after a world where the United Nations Peacekeeping Department (UNPKD) is not singly considered the sole custodian of the concept of civilian protection but (based on contexts and cases) as one but a leader among other stakeholders (local and foreign) able and ready to contribute to the common-pool of operational arenas. Thinking about these other stake holders, we have in this work stood by those that: firstly, move towards more civilian-centered operations that are; secondly, carried out by (a mixture of grassroots and international) unarmed civilians by means of; thirdly, engages nonviolent approaches and practices that in themselves anticipate the basic constituents of successive bottom-up Peacemaking (PK) and Peacebuilding (PB) in the hic et nunc of their Peacekeeping (PK) initiatives and applications. All these basics, in our view, do not just add up to drawing a continuous line that intersects the just mentioned Three Approaches to Peace (PK, PM, PB) coined by Johan Galtung way back in 1975; they also open avenues to sustainability. The thesis is taken on through three different parts; each subdivided into two chapters. With due attention to intrastate contemporary violent conflicts, the first part tries to demonstrate the reason why in PK there has been indeed need for rethinking the protection of civilians (PoC) and/or for enriching the methods until now employed in bringing it about. In the first chapter of the part, we kind of gave a sketchy attention to the historical journey that the patterns of violent conflicts in relation to the fate of non-combatants have made. It emerges that, unlike in the past, the pattern of contemporary violent conflict, especially with reference to the CW (especially in third-world countries) and post-CW periods, have become severely complex to handle. Wars have continued and proved to be very hot especially on the populations on the periphery; on those who are minimally directly concerned with and honestly ignorant of its objectives. In the period in question, these innocent men, women and children are more than ever struck hard not just by its direct consequences but also the indirect ones and their hopes are constantly put at the brink of mere survival and of the grave. Mores so the lucky ones who manage to escape these snares, continue to unwaveringly hope for bread, freedom, justice and peace, instead of iron that kills and destroys. In chapter II of the same part, looking at the commitments borne by the UN right from its early years in keeping, initially, the interstate and successively also the intrastate peace (of those tormented by reign of violence and terror), we acknowledge the strides gradually taken along the years. These strides has better late than never embraced a multidimensional point in time where civilian protection counts as a primacy. Accordingly, we recognize that the UN military PK is certainly capable of reducing the level of tension in conflicts but we also negated that, by so doing, it is able to guarantee a durable peace not only because of the application of the non-peaceful means which is limited to separating the conflicting parties but also because it lacks the strategic concern of fostering an active citizenship which is a basic ingredient to democratic populace. In Part Two, we have concentrated on the vision and the peculiar picture of the practitioners of the alternative way, particularly; the Nonviolent Peaceforce (NP) which operates on a benchmark of bottom-up strategic empowerment of local civilian unarmed and nonviolent efforts by international unarmed and nonviolent civilians to protect civilians, prevent, reduce and stop violent conflicts. The first chapter of this second part begins by singling out some of the nuts and bolts (Like: The centrality of sustainability; strategic, local and multilevel capacity and relational empowerment and mediation for peace; conflict transformation as the adequate language; nonviolence and nonpartisanship as a philosophy) that make Unarmed Civilian Protection (UCP) stands out faithfully to the above stated aspirations. Without giving importance to the chronological specifics and with a particular reference to the assessment of the practicality of the project that, on a later date, would organizationally become the NP, an extensive attention is paid to the vicissitudes that surrounded the founding of this UCP protection agency and especially to the foundations of the formative elements entailed. Chapter II does not only build on the findings and stimuli of Chapter I, it supersedes it and makes real a new and distinct reality. Herein, a unique place is devoted to the formative components reserved to the practitioners as a strategy for guaranteeing the competencies and high professionalism needed for the successful execution of field strategies attached to the NP UCP objectives, principles, key methods and practices. Through the analysis of the UCP Training Course entitled "Strengthening Civilian Capacities to Protect Civilians; A joint UNITAR- Nonviolent Peaceforce online Course" the chapter tries to show how the activities of the organization intrinsically flow from its very being; from elements which define it. And this is illustrated in how the very life of the NP UCP is blended with its formative spirit and content; a sort of transformative training that seeks to promote transformative operational frameworks that applicable to situations and contexts. The third part of the work is an applied one. It is dedicated to our chosen case study, namely, NP's intervention in the longtime violence-stricken Republic of South Sudan; in a country which (Thomas Hobbes would say) has once again reverted to its natural state; a harsh reality of hand to mouth living and a never ending search for sustenance in an ambiance virtually challenging to change. In chapter I, the pragmatic implementation of NP UCP in strengthening the local civilians' capacity, security and sense of safety in situation of violent conflict is marked out. Here, some concrete instances of this intervention are presented to exemplify the claim that a multiple base of actors (UCPs, the inviting civil society and/or local NGOs of an UCP presence and local partners) can sustainably and strategically provide the PoC work that for a long time was and is still largely entrusted to the military. And at the end of the day PK, PM, PB resources are considered to consist in not only financial and material supports, but also, and (in the same way) importantly, the socio-cultural resources of the affected people. And in this way people in conflict settings are seen as resources rather than recipients. Even though we evidently confirmed that the alternative way counts exceptionally big in strategically promoting, developing, and implementing sustainable unarmed civilian PK as a tool for preventing, reducing and stopping violence and protecting civilians in situations of violent conflict, we also acknowledge that it is not without challenges. These are actually what chapter two of the part extensively dwells on. The second chapter is instead dedicated (at length) to looking at the challenges that NP faces not only with regard to its missions lands but also in general. We have gone about this in the form of a comprehensive assessment and in some humble recommendations are advanced. Among these challenges we have particularly paid attention to issues like: The meager UCP funding and the dominant top-down mentality; the violent bully character of some major world power wielders; the need for more practitioners to carry out UCP; the dynamicity and complexity of conflict nature as a challenge; conflict prevention challenges like delays in capturing the signs of time so as to effectively intervene; the presence of spoilers as a challenge; the challenge of effective sustainable credibility. Recommendations proposed include among others: Investing in systematic reflections on the extent of the progress and failures so far registered in efforts to involve the UN, regional bodies and other donor agencies or individuals in the cause of NP (UCP) and reflecting on the philosophy that underpins the reasons why financial assistance to UCP and NP in particular is founded; more emphasis on the already existing engagement with political leaders and other influential people and embarking on popular campaigns to propagate a concretely evidenced knowledge of the feasibility of the alternative way, instituting and investing in "School Project" (dedicated to preferably to high schools) within the NP Advocacy and Outreach office and insisting on the positives of volunteers' contribution; enriching a little more the content of the just elaborated online UCP training course; etc. Hereafter, the general conclusion of our dissertation will be drawn. A profound acknowledgement of the UNPK pivotal role with its actual multidimensional fronts in PK basically intended as PoC specifically in the contemporary intrastate violent conflicts. It is also observed that, thanks to the appropriate blending of local and international capacities giving priority to the former, UCP's strategic approach to PK (which is not limited to the PoCs but is also anchored to preventing, reducing and ending not just those that are already on but also lays for standing up to the future possible ones) could be counted on. Thus far, it is on one hand, admissible that, despite all the challenges that there may be, NP (UCP) mechanisms is already proffering a great deal to this end, and on the other, it is evident that it can and should still do more. The ability of its interventions to stand the test of time and to stand up to the future conflicts (i.e. its sustainability) resides in a time which is not yet at hand and in the continuous involvement and inventiveness of many. As per now, if the Italian proverb "Il buongiorno si vede dal mattino" (Meaning: You can tell how something will go by how it begins) holds, then it is, up till now, realistic to count on NP as one of the most outstanding Bottom-up UCP organizations in the PoC in (selected) contemporary violent conflict situations. All that is needed is the building and the consolidation of international interest and support for UCP that presents the hope and reality of alternatives to over dependence on armed intervention; alternatives that chances the revitalization of local communities and the restoration of the social fabrics and capital of the affected people.

In un momento di crisi economica come quello attuale a livello nazionale è frequente la richiesta di una totale abolizione del finanziamento pubblico ai partiti politici, nell'ambito di un generale sentimento di delusione nei confronti di un sistema politico-partitico che troppo spesso si è dimostrato inefficiente, corrotto e inutilmente costoso. Tuttavia il tema del finanziamento dei partiti e della attività politica ha da sempre attratto l'attenzione di studiosi e commentatori per le ampie implicazioni che lo stesso riveste rispetto ai principi del pluralismo, dell'uguaglianza, di un trasparente esercizio democratico, dell'accesso alla rappresentanza e, in generale, rispetto al ruolo dei partiti. La riflessione sul finanziamento della politica inizia ad essere oggetto di attenzione con l'estensione del suffragio universale e la nascita dei partiti di massa, dotati di un forte e costoso apparato organizzativo. Infatti, solo con il passaggio da partiti di èlite a partiti massa, il costo della politica aumenta enormemente, il denaro inizia a diventare un elemento fondamentale della lotta politica e nasce il problema di garantire l'uguaglianza delle opportunità nell'accesso alle cariche elettive e la genuinità del voto, per evitare che chi ha maggiori disponibilità finanziarie abbia più visibilità rispetto agli altri candidati. Da allora ogni ordinamento giuridico ha cercato di disciplinare, con forme diverse, le modalità di finanziamento della politica, nel presupposto che queste siano strettamente connesse alla salvaguardia dei principi fondanti di ogni democrazia. Il finanziamento pubblico della politica rappresenta infatti l'effettiva e concreta garanzia che ogni cittadino possa "concorrere a determinare la politica nazionale" (come in particolare prescrive l'art. 49 della nostra Costituzione) in condizioni di parità. Una democrazia pluralista deve invero garantire uguali opportunità per tutti anche nell'accesso alla partecipazione politica e nell'esercizio di funzioni pubbliche. Inoltre, attraverso il finanziamento pubblico regolato normativamente, la competizione politica ubbidisce a principi e standards predeterminati, e quindi uguali, certi, misurabili, giustiziabili. Da questo punto di vista i diversi modelli di finanziamento e di sostegno delle attività politiche riflettono l'idea che una comunità ha della democrazia e del rapporto che intercorre tra cittadini e istituzioni. Il finanziamento dei partiti è dunque, prima che una questione tecnica, giuridica e finanziaria, una questione ad alta intensità politica, che incide significativamente sulla qualità della vita democratica di un Paese. L'attività dei partiti, dei movimenti e dei gruppi politici organizzati in seno ai regimi democratici non può infatti prescindere dall'utilizzo delle risorse necessarie a sostenere più o meno ampie strutture organizzative, a svolgere attività di ricerca e formazione della classe politica e a finanziare le campagne elettorali. La democrazia, insomma, ha un costo che è condizione essenziale per l'esercizio delle insostituibili funzioni affidate ai partiti nel sistema costituzionale e che deve essere pertanto sostenuto e correttamente regolato affinché esso sia congruo e trasparente dinanzi all'opinione pubblica. La tesi si propone come obiettivo di dimostrare l'importanza della tematica del finanziamento della politica nelle democrazie contemporanee e soprattutto in Italia. Il primo capitolo tratta della disciplina del finanziamento della politica nelle principali democrazie europee, cercando di delineare un quadro generale e di individuare delle caratteristiche comuni. Tutti gli ordinamenti giuridici europei prevedono sistemi di finanziamento ai partiti politici nazionali di tipo misto basati sia sul finanziamento pubblico (diretto e indiretto), ripartito fra le diverse forze politiche in base all'esito elettorale e/o alla rappresentanza parlamentare, sia su quello privato. Tuttavia la previsione di un finanziamento ai partiti non significa che non debba essere posto un tetto massimo ai contributi pubblici erogati in favore delle forze politiche, né che tali risorse possano essere utilizzate senza alcun controllo. Il secondo e il terzo capitolo riguardano specificatamente la situazione italiana per quanto concerne rispettivamente i partiti politici e il loro finanziamento. «I partiti sono organismi essenziali per un efficace funzionamento dello Stato democratico, tanto più in uno Stato moderno, fondato sul suffragio universale, esteso a tutti i diciottenni». Come ha acutamente osservato il Presidente della Repubblica Napolitano nel suo discorso di insediamento il 22 aprile 2013 «non c'è partecipazione realmente democratica, rappresentativa ed efficace alla formazione delle decisioni pubbliche senza il tramite di partiti capaci di rinnovarsi o di movimenti politici organizzati, tutti comunque da vincolare all'imperativo costituzionale del metodo democratico». Alcuni Paesi europei hanno pienamente riconosciuto la specifica funzione dei partiti politici come un imprescindibile strumento di mediazione tra istituzioni pubbliche e cosiddetta società civile, attraverso una puntuale regolamentazione di rango sia costituzionale che legislativo. In Italia, al contrario, si è finora preferito privilegiare la massima libertà di espressione dei singoli nelle forme associative. L'art. 49 Cost., in combinato disposto con gli articoli 1, 2 e 18 della Costituzione, è stato quindi tradizionalmente visto come il punto finale di un percorso in cui il partito costituisce il luogo naturale per i cittadini, associati liberamente, di concorrere con metodo democratico a determinare la politica nazionale. Tuttavia, anche se per l'ordinamento privatistico italiano il partito politico rileva alla stessa stregua di una qualsiasi associazione non riconosciuta (nonostante la semplice osservazione della vita politica quotidiana faccia ritenere non più rinviabile un aggiornamento del quadro normativo di riferimento), in diritto pubblico occorre registrare un diverso impegno del legislatore, attento soprattutto al tema del finanziamento della politica. Mentre nella concezione ottocentesca del "partito parlamentare" non era avvertita la necessità di predisporre strutture organizzative articolate e quindi economicamente onerose, in seguito si afferma infatti un modello partitico caratterizzato dall'esistenza di vasti apparati organizzativi, insostituibili strumenti di crescente "interventismo" nella gestione della cosa pubblica in generale e delle istituzioni dello stato sociale in particolare. Con l'allargamento del suffragio universale alle classi sociali deboli, inoltre, nascono e si sviluppano formazioni politiche il cui sostentamento non può garantirsi con il solo ricorso alle libere contribuzioni di iscritti e simpatizzanti. Si afferma pertanto un modello di finanziamento della politica non esclusivamente governato da regole di natura privatistica. L'erario contribuisce direttamente alla vita economica dei partiti, oppure li finanzia indirettamente, incentivando la contribuzione privata con il ricorso a misure fiscali. Il terzo capitolo propone una ricostruzione dell'evoluzione storico-normativa avvenuta nel nostro Paese nel corso di quasi quarant'anni, che può essere distinta fondamentalmente in tre fasi. La prima fase è caratterizzata dall'introduzione e dal consolidamento del finanziamento pubblico ai partiti. Il fatto che quest'ultimo non sia stato accompagnato da norme volte a regolare i partiti politici è stato determinato da ragioni che vanno ricercate nello specifico contesto storico-politico dei primi anni Settanta, quando ancora si temeva che controlli esterni sulla vita dei partiti potessero essere utilizzati dagli avversari politici. Nella seconda fase, in coincidenza con la crisi e transizione del sistema politico-istituzionale degli inizi anni Novanta, gli interventi normativi in materia sono stati dettati da due spinte contrastanti. Da una parte, le condizioni di emergenza "economica" dei partiti stessi che, a fronte del calo degli iscritti e all'aumento dei costi delle campagne elettorali, non erano in grado si sopravvivere senza il finanziamento pubblico; dall'altra, un'opinione pubblica che periodicamente, nei momenti di massima sfiducia verso i partiti, ha dimostrato (soprattutto nel referendum del 1993) un'evidente contrarietà rispetto al finanziamento pubblico diretto ai partiti politici. Ciò ha prodotto una situazione paradossale: i partiti non hanno avuto la forza politica di far comprendere che la politica costa e che vi sono ragioni costituzionali (prime fra tutte, l'indipendenza dei partiti e la parità di opportunità) che possono giustificare un sostegno pubblico (diretto o indiretto); al contempo, hanno continuato ad alimentare il finanziamento statale a titolo di "rimborso elettorale" senza garantire maggiore trasparenza né sottostare a controlli da parte di organi esterni. La terza fase, infine, è caratterizzata da un finanziamento pubblico "mascherato" e moltiplicato e procede fino ai primi cambiamenti intervenuti nella seconda metà del primo decennio del nuovo secolo, come prime misure di contenimento dei costi della politica. La legge n. 96 del 2012, che ha riformato nuovamente la legislazione in materia, ha costituito per varie ragioni l'ennesima occasione perduta. Infatti, poiché per la ritrosia di molte forze politiche la riforma del sistema del finanziamento pubblico non è stata accompagnata dall'introduzione di una legislazione sui partiti capace di imporre il rispetto di "metodi democratici" nella vita interna degli stessi, è aumentata l'ambiguità della collocazione del sistema del finanziamento pubblico tra legislazione elettorale di contorno e legislazione sui partiti. Inoltre, è rimasta irrisolta la "causa" del finanziamento pubblico, concesso per "l'attività politica, elettorale e ordinaria" senza però pretendere che il partito dimostrasse di avere quell'organizzazione permanente capace di svolgere quotidianamente l'attività politica. Un notevole passo in avanti in tal senso sembra essere stato compiuto nel dicembre 2013, quando il Consiglio dei Ministri, su proposta dell'allora Presidente Enrico Letta, ha approvato un decreto legge che abolisce (gradualmente) il finanziamento pubblico ai partiti. Il Governo, nel Consiglio dei Ministri del 31 maggio scorso, aveva già dato il via libera a un disegno di legge che ne prevedeva l'abolizione e regolamentava la contribuzione volontaria ai partiti politici. Un testo ad oggi approvato solamente dalla Camera dei deputati e giacente da metà ottobre al Senato. Per questo, recependo le indicazioni arrivate dal Parlamento, il Consiglio dei Ministri ha voluto dare il via libera ad un testo che prevede, tra l'altro, disposizioni per la trasparenza e la democraticità dei partiti e disciplina la contribuzione volontaria e la contribuzione indiretta in loro favore. Il quarto capitolo tratta della disciplina del finanziamento della politica nelle principali democrazie europee: un paragrafo è dedicato alla Francia, un paragrafo alla Germania, un paragrafo alla Spagna e un paragrafo al Regno Unito. Per ognuno dei quattro Paesi considerati è previsto uno schema di trattazione sintetico e schematico, con una parte introduttiva nella quale sono individuate le norme di riferimento e le principali tappe dell'evoluzione del sistema di finanziamento dei partiti, approfondendo poi in parti separate la disciplina che riguarda il finanziamento pubblico, la disciplina del finanziamento privato e il regime dei controlli. Il capitolo finale è dedicato ai "partiti politici a livello europeo" e alla disciplina del loro finanziamento nel diritto dell'Unione europea. La normativa prodotta dall'UE a partire dal Regolamento (CE) n. 2004/2003 sui partiti politici europei assume infatti un notevole interesse soprattutto in relazione alla capacità che essa può avere di imporre anche a livello nazionale i suoi elementi costitutivi. Poiché i partiti politici europei consistono sostanzialmente in associazioni di partiti politici nazionali, è possibile che si avvii un processo teso ad uniformare le legislazioni nazionali in materia di partiti politici che ruoti intorno ai cardini della concorrenza fra contributi pubblici e privati, della piena pubblicità e assoluta trasparenza di ogni forma di finanziamento, del controllo accurato e di alcuni requisiti minimi di democraticità interna da imporre a tutte le formazioni politiche. La proposta avanzata dalla Commissione europea di modificare il vigente Regolamento (CE) n. 2004/2003 è ancora in discussione. Tuttavia sono evidenti le analogie fra tale proposta e il decreto-legge 28 dicembre 2013, n. 149, intitolato "Abolizione del finanziamento pubblico diretto, disposizioni per la trasparenza e la democraticità dei partiti e disciplina della contribuzione volontaria e della contribuzione indiretta in loro favore": obblighi puntuali di democrazia interna, contenuto minimo necessario degli statuti dei partiti, iscrizione dei partiti in un apposito registro, regole a garanzia della trasparenza, controlli sui bilanci e sui rendiconti e disciplina delle erogazioni liberali in favore dei partiti politici. Non è un caso che già il vigente Regolamento (CE) n. 2004/2003, modificato nel 2007, si concentri soprattutto sugli aspetti legati al finanziamento dei partiti europei, nella convinzione che l'uguaglianza fra i vari soggetti politici rappresentativi della società civile possa essere ottenuta solo tramite sussidi pubblici concessi con modalità trasparenti. Per garantire un'equilibrata e democratica partecipazione dei partiti politici alla vita istituzionale dell'Unione europea, infatti, non sono sufficienti soltanto norme sul riconoscimento e il controllo di tali soggetti, ma è necessario tenere conto anche dei costi effettivi di tale coinvolgimento, introducendo disposizioni che affrontino e risolvano le questioni riguardanti il finanziamento dei partiti politici a livello europeo.

AMÉRICA LATINA Detienen en Aruba al ex jefe de inteligencia chavista. Para más información:http://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2014/07/27/world/americas/ap-lt-aruba-venezuela-official-detained.html?ref=world&gwh=4C1A389E001490E50A1CB37EDD0082C3&gwt=payhttp://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/caracas-suspende-voos-para-aruba-em-resposta-prisao-de-oficial-chavista-13391685http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/07/26/actualidad/1406345058_210203.htmlhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/1713533-venezuela-anuncia-la-liberacion-del-ex-jefe-de-inteligencia-chavista-detenido-en-arubahttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-28519313 Maduro intenta cerrar filas en el chavismo. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/07/27/actualidad/1406492692_648997.htmlhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/1713362-sin-chavez-el-psuv-pone-a-prueba-su-unidad La oposición venezolana abre un debate tras el fracaso de la protesta radical. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/07/27/actualidad/1406491835_835729.htmlhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-28472220 Paraguay: más de 88.000 desplazados por las inundaciones en Asunción. Para más información:http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/ultimas_noticias/2014/07/140725_ultnot_desplazados_en_paraguay_por_inundaciones_bd.shtml México: Pemex reporta US$4.000 millones de pérdidas netas en segundo trimestre. Para más información:http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/ultimas_noticias/2014/07/140725_ultnot_economia_mexico_pemex_perdida_neta_segundo_trimestre_lv.shtml Guerra de encuestas en Brasil: Dilma sigue favorita, pero no está claro con cuánto apoyo. Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1712457-guerra-de-encuestas-en-brasil-dilma-sigue-favorita-pero-no-esta-claro-con-cuanto-apoyo Ejército colombiano mata a ocho rebeldes del Ejército de Liberación Nacional en la provincia de Aruca. Para más información:http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-28455325 Banco Central brasileño libera $ 13 mil millones para impulsar la economía. Para más información:http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-28490310 México condena a seis personas por abusos en hogar infantil. Para más información:http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-28477800 De héroe de Perú a presunto abogado de la mafia. Para más información:http://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-28496893 Honduras trabaja para detener el flujo de niños migrantes a Estados Unidos. Para más información:http://www.latimes.com/world/mexico-americas/la-fg-ff-honduras-border-20140709-story.html#page=1http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/el-mundo/2014/impreso/la-disputa-por-los-ninios-de-centroamerica-87834.html Arrestan a alcalde hondureño por narcotráfico. Para más información:http://www.bbc.co.uk/mundo/ultimas_noticias/2014/07/140727_ultnot_honduras_alcalde_narcotrafico_jgc.shtml ESTADOS UNIDOS /CANADÁ Estados Unidos acusó a Rusia de disparar artillería contra militares ucranianos. Para más información:http://www.latimes.com/world/europe/la-fg-russia-president-obama-sanctions-20140728-story.htmlhttp://www.latimes.com/world/europe/la-fg-obama-ukraine-20140719-story.html#page=1http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/el-mundo/2014/omagenes-satelitales-prueban-rusia-ataca-ucrania-eu-1026176.htmlhttp://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/eua-acusam-russia-de-utilizar-artilharia-contra-ucrania-13402331http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/el-mundo/2014/corrobora-otan-lanzamiento-cohetes-ucrania-rusia-1026288.html Estados Unidos enfrenta el delicado tema de los niños migrantes. Para más información:http://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-28482516http://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-28490544http://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-28490544http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/el-mundo/2014/oklahoma-queja-costos-inmigracion-1026317.html Estados Unidos evacua a su personal de su embajada en Libia. Para más información:http://www.lemonde.fr/libye/article/2014/07/27/la-libye-s-enfonce-dans-la-violence-38-morts-a-benghazi_4463428_1496980.htmlhttp://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/07/26/actualidad/1406397214_365703.html Incendios en California amenazan a civiles. Para más información:http://www.bbc.com/news/world-us-canada-28513217 "El País" de Madrid analiza: "Las turbulencias globales evidencian los límites del poder de Estados Unidos". Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/07/26/actualidad/1406383059_319576.html EUROPA Continúa la tensión política en Ucrania. Para más información:http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/28/world/europe/ukraine.html?ref=world&assetType=nyt_now&gwh=8D40FEB08488465468BD2958F696B482&gwt=pay&assetType=nyt_nowhttp://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/27/world/europe/ukraine-rebels.html?refhttp://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/07/26/actualidad/1406404533_755946.htmlhttp://www.lemonde.fr/europe/article/2014/07/24/l-armee-ukrainienne-responsable-de-la-mort-de-civils-selon-l-ong-human-rights-watch_4462200_3214.htmlhttp://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2014-07/25/content_17923534.htmlhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-28487331http://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/ukraine-crisis/ukraine-claims-advances-against-pro-russian-separatists-outside-donetsk-n165911Los combates en Ucrania impiden investigar el lugar donde cayó el MH17. Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1712335-derribaron-dos-aviones-de-combate-ucranianos-cerca-de-la-zona-donde-cayo-el-mh17http://www.latimes.com/world/europe/la-fg-russia-impartial-malaysia-jet-probe-20140728-story.htmlhttp://www.latimes.com/world/europe/la-fg-ukraine-prime-minister-resigns-20140724-story.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/aponline/2014/07/27/world/europe/ap-eu-ukraine-plane-crash.html?ref=world&gwh=F6D4C4A814765EEEF87AC948C9CC6000&gwt=payhttp://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/27/world/europe/efforts-to-secure-malaysia-airlines-crash-site-stall-in-eastern-ukraine.html?ref=world&gwh=4663D27E80F543C16016EFD8AF6025EB&gwt=pay&assetType=nyt_nowhttp://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/malaysianairliner/2014-07/27/content_17932071.htmhttp://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2014/07/27/vol-mh-17-l-australie-envoie-des-policiers-armes-pour-proteger-les-enqueteurs_4463397_3210.htmlhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-28520813http://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/ukraine-plane-crash/mh17-attack-may-be-war-crime-top-un-human-rights-n166381http://www.economist.com/news/briefing/21608782-despite-downing-mh17-planes-will-continue-fly-over-trouble-spots-flight-over-fight Para la ONU el derribo del avión en Ucrania "podría considerarse crimen de guerra". Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1713707-para-la-onu-el-derribo-del-avion-en-ucrania-podria-considerarse-crimen-de-guerrahttp://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/onu-derrubada-de-aviao-da-malaysia-airlines-pode-ser-crime-de-guerra-13402477http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/graficos/graficosanimados14/EU_Vuelo_MH17/ "El País" de Madrid analiza: "LA UE se comporta como si fuese Suiza:El silencio actual ante la política imperialista de Putin recuerda el de la élite intelectual europea ante el avance del nazismo y el estalinismo". Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/07/27/actualidad/1406475661_923331.html Tras la tragedia del Costa Concordia el buque vuelve a la superficie. Para más información:http://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/brother-still-waiting-lost-costa-concordia-crewman-n165036 "The Economist" analiza vínculo de François Hollande con el continente africano desde el punto de vista de la seguridad. Para más información:http://www.economist.com/news/europe/21607847-french-are-reorganising-security-increasingly-troubled-region-fran-ois-hollandes El papa Francisco volvió a condenar a la mafia. Para más información:http://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/pope-renews-attack-mafia-polluted-region-italy-n165881http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1713371-ante-una-multitud-francisco-volvio-a-condenar-a-la-mafia España ya ve la luz al final del túnel de la crisis. Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1712765-espana-ya-ve-la-luz-al-final-del-tunel-de-la-crisis "O Globo" publica columna sobe la probable sucesora de Merkel. Para más información:http://oglobo.globo.com/blogs/lafora/posts/2014/07/27/a-provavel-sucessora-de-angela-merkel-543996.asp La era de separatismos: Europa abre otro capítulo en su crisis de identidad. Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1713360-una-era-de-separatismos-europa-abre-otro-capitulo-en-su-crisis-de-identidad Felipe VI prohíbe a la familia real de trabajar en el sector privado. Para más información:http://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/felipe-vi-proibe-familia-real-de-trabalhar-no-setor-privado-13405004http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/el-mundo/2014/felipe-vi-prohibira-familia-real-trabajar-sector-privado-1026292.html Francia recupera la segunda caja negra del avión siniestrado en Malí. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/07/25/actualidad/1406280394_570561.htmlhttp://elpais.com/elpais/2014/07/25/inenglish/1406291845_269981.htmlhttp://www.lemonde.fr/international/breve/2014/07/27/crash-du-vol-ah-5017-les-boites-noires-vont-etre-expediees-en-france_4463520_3210.html Italia y el desafío de los inmigrantes que llegan a sus costas. Para más información:http://www.latimes.com/world/europe/la-fg-italy-migrants-20140725-story.html#page=1 ASIA- PACÍFICO/ MEDIO ORIENTE Continúan los enfrentamientos entre Israel y el Hamas. Para más información:http://www.lanacion.com.ar/1712947-netanyahu-dijo-que-hamas-planeaba-secuestros-masivos-en-rosh-hashanahttp://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/28/world/middleeast/israel-gaza-strip.html?ref=world&gwh=48EEEE7431EF140244993C2A266C0631&gwt=pay&assetType=nyt_nowhttp://www.lemonde.fr/proche-orient/article/2014/07/26/le-hamas-rejette-la-treve-tirs-de-roquette-sur-israel_4463347_3218.htmlhttp://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2014-07/27/content_17931903.htmhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-28520227http://www.nbcnews.com/storyline/middle-east-unrest/u-n-security-council-calls-immediate-gaza-cease-fire-n166301http://www.economist.com/news/middle-east-and-africa/21608761-war-gaza-fuels-tensions-between-israeli-arabs-and-jews-do-we-belonghttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/1713527-hamas-viola-su-propio-cese-al-fuego-denuncio-benjamin-netanyahuhttp://www.latimes.com/world/middleeast/la-fg-israel-palestinians-20140728-story.html#page=1 La ONU podría incluir a Isis en lista de crímenes de guerra en Siria. Para más información:http://www.bbc.com/news/world-middle-east-28498661 Continúan las negociaciones sobre programa nuclear iraní sin muchos avances. Para más información:http://www.latimes.com/world/middleeast/la-fg-iran-talks-20140724-story.html Violencia reina en Irak. Para más información:http://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/27/world/middleeast/gunmen-in-baghdad-seize-a-leading-sunni-politician.html?ref=world&assetType=nyt_now&assetType=nyt_now&gwh=C724688DC629AD46445AAF39C8926803&gwt=pay&assetType=nyt_nowhttp://www.latimes.com/world/middleeast/la-fg-kurd-massoum-president-iraq-20140724-story.html El Estado Islámico a las mujeres: "O llevan velo integral o serán castigadas". Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/07/25/actualidad/1406283699_085249.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/28/world/asia/taliban-afghanistan.html?ref Taiwán guarda luto por las víctimas del avión de TransAsia. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/07/24/actualidad/1406186954_988075.htmlhttp://sinosphere.blogs.nytimes.com/2014/07/24/investigators-examine-role-of-weather-in-taiwan-plane-crash/?ref=world&gwh=D755A38E8A7DDC8D4FBD62EC8D85E731&gwt=payhttp://www.lemonde.fr/international/article/2014/07/27/vol-ah-5017-la-seconde-boite-noire-a-ete-retrouvee_4463381_3210.htmlhttp://www.lemonde.fr/asie-pacifique/article/2014/07/26/crash-a-taiwan-les-inspecteurs-internationaux-sur-le-site_4463300_3216.htmlhttp://www.lanacion.com.ar/1712439-en-taiwan-otro-avion-asiatico-sufrio-un-accidente Varios muertos deja paso de tifón en China. Para más información:http://www.lemonde.fr/planete/article/2014/07/27/treize-morts-apres-le-passage-d-un-typhon-en-chine_4463407_3244.html "The Economist" analiza coyuntura en la que asume el nuevo presidente de Indonesia. Para más información:http://www.economist.com/news/leaders/21608750-jokowis-victory-landmark-he-now-has-balance-reconciliation-decisive ÁFRICA Se estrelló un avión de Air Argélie con 116 personas a bordo Para más información:http://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2014-07/25/content_17923428.htmhttp://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2014/07/27/sur-les-lieux-du-crash-du-vol-ah-5017-c-est-comme-si-une-bombe-etait-tombee_4463490_3212.htmlhttp://www.chinadaily.com.cn/world/2014-07/25/content_17923428.htmhttp://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/second-black-box-found-air-algerie-crash-united-nations-n165596http://www.economist.com/blogs/baobab/2014/07/algerias-missing-flight-ah5017http://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/pilotos-do-voo-ah5017-pediram-para-voltar-revela-chanceler-frances-13409229http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/el-mundo/2014/recuperan-datos-caja-negra-avion-mali-1026353.htmlhttp://www.latimes.com/world/worldnow/la-fg-air-algerie-wreckage-found-20140724-story.html La guerra entre milicias provoca decenas de muertos en Libia. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/07/27/actualidad/1406481381_059214.htmlhttp://www.nytimes.com/2014/07/27/world/africa/libya.html?refhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-28510865http://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/clashes-between-government-militants-kill-more-50-libya-n165941http://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/libia-pede-ajuda-internacional-apos-milicia-incendiar-deposito-de-combustivel-13403247http://oglobo.globo.com/mundo/confrontos-entre-militares-grupos-islamicos-deixam-50-mortos-na-libia-13396896http://www.eluniversal.com.mx/el-mundo/2014/piden-alto-al-fuego-para-sofocar-incendio-en-libia-1026242.html Boko Haram ha raptado a la mujer del viceprimer ministro de Camerún. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/07/27/actualidad/1406491983_178997.htmlhttp://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-28509530http://www.nbcnews.com/news/world/boko-haram-kidnaps-wife-cameroons-vice-prime-minister-n166021 Marruecos prohíbe a los imanes propagar sus ideas en los sermones. Para más información:http://internacional.elpais.com/internacional/2014/07/26/actualidad/1406405887_136042.html Varios países africanos luchan contra el ébola. Para más información:http://www.latimes.com/world/africa/la-fg-liberia-ebola-20140728-story.htmlhttp://www.nbcdfw.com/news/local/Friends-Pray-for-Fort-Worth-Doctor-Diagnosed-with-Ebola-268830041.html OTRAS "The Economsit" publica su informe: "Business this week".Para más información:http://www.economist.com/news/world-week/21608814-business-week

Analizo los alzamientos insurreccionales de la segunda mitad del siglo XX en una región de frontera del Petén guatemalteco situada entre el sureste de México y Belice y su importancia geopolítica. Considero a los mismos como movimientos sociales regionales contestatarios. Estudio también los intereses confrontados en este espacio así como las relaciones entre los fenómenos políticos y las estructuras geográficas, físicas y humanas. ; Doctor en Ciencias Sociales y Humanísticas ; Introducción; CAPÍTULO I; El Territorio y la Geopolítica Crítica; 1. Pensando las regiones y las fronteras: un ejercicio de estudio comparado desde las ciencias sociales históricas; 1.1 El debate en las ciencias sociales: espacio, territorio, región y frontera; 1.2 El estudio político espacial de una región de selva: El Petén, desde las nuevas perspectivas de la geopolítica crítica en América Latina; 1.3 Propuesta de una caracterización comparada de una región de frontera como espacio de transición o zona de contacto; CAPÍTULO II; El Petén: De espacio de "contención natural" y encuentro de la diversidad sociocultural a la "Territorialización de la política"; 1. Continuidad geoeconómica y geohistórica en las regiones de frontera; —Unidad Ecológica. Fronteras naturales y paisajes geohistóricos; —El Petén, espacio de "contención natural" y encuentro de regiones de selvas; —Las selvas tropicales y las formaciones vegetales; —El Usumacinta: delimitación geo-histórica del más importante sistema orográfico y de un amplio espacio político-social de "contención natural"; 2. Unidad y diversidad sociocultural; —Orígenes de la inmigración en El Petén; —Diversos tipos de la inmigración; —Componentes etno-lingüísticos de la población; —La composición social; Los tres grandes grupos de población: a)"Peteneros", b) "Sureños" y c)"Cobaneros"; 3.Fronteras y límites políticos: la multidimensionalidad del territorio del Sureste mexicano y Belice; —Antecedentes históricos sobre incursiones armadas a Petén procedentes de las regiones de frontera de Chiapas y Tabasco en la primera mitad del siglo XX; 4. El Proceso de construcción histórica del espacio económico-social en las regiones de frontera en las últimas cinco décadas del siglo XX; —Orígenes históricos de la construcción de la frontera sur; —El Estado emerge hacia el rescate e "integración socioeconómica" de las "fronteras internas": El Petén. Primera etapa: 1945-1962; —"Territorialización de la política"; —Antecedentes de la colonización. (1945-1959); —El experimento fallido de la Colonia Agrícola de Poptún, Petén. 1945-1954; —Colonización de las regiones de frontera; —La creación de la Empresa Nacional de Fomento y Desarrollo Económico del Petén (FYDEP) en 1959; —¿Centralización o autonomía estatal del (FYDEP) por el Gobierno militar? Surgimiento de la burocracia civil y militar y debut de la alta oficialidad del ejército como élite, antesala de su inserción como "aparato dominante" al interior del Estado. Segunda etapa: 1962-1990; 5. Actores sociales en El Petén. Antecedentes. 1964; —Iglesia Católica y catequistas en El Petén. La Teología de la Liberación: profundización del compromiso social: de la organización comunitaria a la represión del Estado. 1970-1980; —Organización de cooperativas y la acción represiva del Estado; 6. Tipos de proyectos colonizadores; —La experiencia de Petén. La organización cooperativa; —Otras experiencias de colonización en las regiones de frontera: el caso de La Lacandonia en Chiapas y el Ixcán guatemalteco; CAPÍTULO III; 1. La insurgencia territorializada en El Petén guatemalteco. La segunda etapa formativa fase "A" de las Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes (FAR) (1969-1981); Breve síntesis sobre los orígenes de las Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes (FAR).La primera etapa fundante"(1962-1968); —Reimplantación de la guerrilla en una región de frontera tras el repliegue y derrota política y militar del Movimiento Revolucionario durante la primera etapa fundante; a) La vertiente reorganizativa interna representada en las Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes (FAR) y su primer intento de formación de una columna madre por medio de la "concentración" de sus fuerzas dispersas procedentes de las regiones nororiental y central en la región de Las Verapaces. 1968-1969; b) Reagrupamiento y reimplantación en los ríos La Pasión y Usumacinta en El Petén, región selvática de frontera con Chiapas, entre 1970 y 1972; c) Las bases sociales en las regiones de frontera; 2. Del foquismo al movimiento de masas: el caso de las Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes en el Petén. Primer viraje estratégico; —Del discurso a la praxis política; —Los planteamientos teóricos y los documentos históricos de la segunda etapa formativa fase "A"de las(FAR); d) La Tercera Conferencia de las FAR en 1971. Fundamentos teóricos de las Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes, agosto de 1971; e) El Problema agrario en Guatemala. Informe sobre la situación agraria en el país, presentado por la Dirección Nacional Ejecutiva al Pleno Ampliado de abril de 1979; f) Línea Política. Síntesis de los planteamientos políticos de las Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes expresados desde la Tercera Conferencia de 1971 hasta 1982 referidos a la concepción sobre el proceso de Guerra Revolucionaria y Popular; 3. Del movimiento insurgente al movimiento popular: el segundo viraje estratégico de las Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes; —Consolidación y extensión de su zona de influencia: continuación del fenómeno de la regionalización; g) Regional Central. (Ciudad de Guatemala-Chimaltenango); h) Regional de Occidente; i) Regional del Sur "Santos Salazar"; —Vínculos con el movimiento sindical y popular; j) La Central Nacional de Trabajadores (CNT) y el Comité Nacional de Unidad Sindical (CNUS); —La coyuntura electoral y su influencia en el movimiento revolucionario y popular; k)Incorporación en 1975 de un sector del liderazgo partidista demócrata-cristiano y de los sindicatos bajo su influencia a las Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes, tras su rompimiento con el Partido Democracia Cristiana Guatemalteca (PDCG) luego del fraude electoral de 1974; —Los Movimientos sociales regionales. Consideraciones teóricas; l) Surgimiento del Frente de Trabajadores del Sur Occidente (FETRASO) vinculado a la Central Nacional de Trabajadores (CNT) y al Comité Nacional de Unidad Sindical (CNUS); m) El Movimiento minero de Ixtahuacán, Huehuetenango (fronterizo con Chiapas), irrumpe en la movilización de masas con la marcha de los mineros hacia la ciudad de Guatemala en 1977; —La incorporación de los indígenas al movimiento revolucionario. Algunos antecedentes importantes; —Ascenso y represión al movimiento social en Guatemala. 1976-1980; CAPÍTULO IV; Los territorios se mueven a través del conflicto: captura y control territorial. La segunda etapa formativa fase "B" de las Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes (FAR); —Principales diferencias táctico-estratégicas en la implantación guerrillera de las FAR con las otras organizaciones político-militares: n) La vertiente reorganizativa externa: el Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres (EGP) en el Ixcán, Quiché, área norte del Sistema de los Cuchumatanes, frontera con Chiapas en 1971; o) La segunda vertiente reorganizativa interna: Organización del Pueblo en Armas (ORPA), en la región boscosa de la Sierra Madre occidental, también fronteriza con México. 1972; 4. Las nuevas organizaciones político-militares: análisis de su experiencia precedente, replanteamiento y revisión de las estrategias de la lucha política ideológica (doctrinaria) y el protagonismo personalista; p) La alianza táctica de las FAR con el Partido Guatemalteco del Trabajo. (1971-1973); q) División del Regional de Occidente de las Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes (FAR) en 1972 y el surgimiento público en 1979 de la Organización del Pueblo en Armas (ORPA); r) Elementos de estrategia común y razones determinantes que influyeron en el crecimiento desigual entre las Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes (FAR), el Ejército Guerrillero de los Pobres (EGP) y la Organización del Pueblo en Armas (ORPA) durante el periodo de implantación y consolidación de las tres organizaciones; La segunda etapa formativa fase "B"de las Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes (FAR). (1982-1990); 5. La estructura política y militar de los frentes guerrilleros en El Petén; —Algunos antecedentes.Los frentes guerrilleros históricos (antes de 1980): Regional Norte Capitán "Androcles Hernández"; —La formación de los nuevos frentes guerrilleros: (a principios de la década de los 80): El Frente Norte; —Feliciano Argueta Rojas, Lucio Ramírez y Raúl Orantes; —La formación de los nuevos frentes guerrilleros: (a partir de mediados de la década de los 80): —Mardoqueo Guardado (1985-1986), Toon-Toh (1986-1987) y Panzós Heroíco (1986-1990); —Fuerza Principal o Formaciones mayores; —Formación del Mando Militar y Estado Mayor; —Escuela Política "Otto René Castillo" de las Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes (FAR); —Breve Compendio de Historia Nacional. Cursillo Base preparado e impartido durante los meses de julio, agosto y septiembre de 1983 en el Regional Norte Capitán "Androcles Hernández", El Petén, Guatemala; 6. La Región de frontera, de zona de conflicto a zona de contacto: entre la defensa territorial y el apoyo a la guerrilla; —Papel del gobierno y ejército mexicano en la fase crítica; —Construcción de redes de apoyo militar y político en las Regiones de frontera; —El vínculo político-organizativo de las FAR en Belice; —Zona base-Zona de retaguardia en Chiapas y Tabasco. Trasiego, logística, avituallamiento; Correos y comunicaciones en los frentes guerrilleros; Relación de la guerrilla con los campamentos de refugiados en México; —Entrenamiento militar a bases de apoyo de Chiapas; —La experiencia fallida de Radio Insurgente de las FAR en El Petén. (1983-1985); 7. La tripartita y la cuatripartita, antecedentes del proceso unitario. Surgimiento de la Unidad Nacional Revolucionaria Guatemalteca (URNG) en 1982; —Papel del Estado, de la Revolución Cubana y de la Revolución Sandinista en el conflicto armado; —Surgimiento de la Unidad Nacional Revolucionaria Guatemalteca. (URNG) 1982; —Resolución del Pleno Ampliado de la Dirección Nacional de las Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes (FAR), Junio-Julio de 1984, realizado en el Regional Norte "Capitán Androcles Hernández"; CAPÍTULO V; El "holocausto guatemalteco": de la contrainsurgencia estratégica, a la ¿derrota estratégica del movimiento revolucionario o estrategia defensiva de la URNG?; 8. La transformación territorial a través del conflicto y la acción política; Entre la vida y la muerte:la "tierra arrasada" y la desestructuración de las comunidades rurales en El Petén. (1981-1991); —El éxodo de la población civil; —La masacre de "Las Dos Erres" en El Petén perpetrada por un comando de Kaibiles; —Coordinadoras interinstitucionales; —Polos de desarrollo: gestación de las aldeas modelo a enclaves militares; —De la libertad y la resistencia a la lucha por el espacio vital. (1991-1996); —Integración del Comité de Ayuda a Desplazados del Petén. (CADIP); —Las Comunidades Populares en Resistencia del Petén.(CPR-P); —Negociaciones con las poblaciones desarraigadas: Acuerdo Conjunto de las Comisiones Permanentes de Refugiados CC.PP.-Gobierno de Guatemala. 1992; —Surgimiento de las tres Vertientes de Retorno de los Refugiados de México a Guatemala; —La Vertiente Norte y sus lugares de retorno: El Petén, Las Verapaces y otros lugares; Acuerdo para el Reasentamiento de las Poblaciones Desarraigadas por el Enfrentamiento Armado.1994; —Retornos de refugiados y reasentamiento de la población desarraigada en El Petén. 1995-1998; 10. La etapa terminal de las Fuerzas Armadas Rebeldes(1991-1997): De las Negociaciones a la firma de los Acuerdos de Paz y la desmovilización; —¿Derrota estratégica del movimiento revolucionario o estrategia defensiva de las FAR-URNG?; —Primera reunión Plenaria entre el Gobierno de la República, CNR, Comandancia de la URNG y Observación de Naciones Unidas. Negociaciones de paz entre las FAR-URNG-Gobiernos. 1991; —La diplomacia cubana: auspiciadora en la etapa final de las negociaciones, en la reconciliación definitiva entre el ejército guatemalteco y la URNG. Firma de los Acuerdos de Paz. 1996; —La desmovilización de los ex combatientes de las FAR en El Petén. (1997); Epílogo; —De guerrilleros a reforestadores y reformadores sociales: El caso de la Cooperativa Nuevo Horizonte en El Petén; —La recuperación de la memoria histórica: un proyecto impostergable

Il presente lavoro di ricerca analizza la condizione dello scrittore ebreo dalla sua emancipazione - in Italia tra il 1848 e il 1870 e, più tardi, dopo la Grande Guerra, in Romania - fino al secondo dopoguerra in due contesti dove l'esperienza ebraica è stata diversa per molti aspetti. Ciò nonostante, i temi individuati nelle due letterature offrono una visione comparativa e trasversale, assicurano il legame tra opere, periodi e paesi diversi e delineano due mondi che a volte si sovrappongono illuminando i reciproci punti di contatto, ma anche, inevitabilmente, le reciproche contraddizioni. La condizione ebraica è, nelle scansioni storiche e geografiche individuate, oggetto di una indagine e di una riflessione storica e, al contempo, letteraria. La tesi si articola in due sezioni. Nella prima parte, La condizione ebraica dello scrittore dopo l'emancipazione in Italia e in Romania, si illustra come l'integrazione degli ebrei nella società della maggioranza, anche se si è manifestata in tempi differenti e in modo disuguale, ha avuto per lo più gli stessi effetti sia in Italia che in Romania. Ciò viene confermato dalle tematiche approfondite nei tre capitoli di questa prima parte, che accomunano gli scrittori presi in considerazione: Italo Svevo, Primo Levi, Mihail Sebastian e Nicu Steinhardt. Nella loro opera, i temi letterari che rispecchiano la loro condizione dopo l'emancipazione - la doppia identità, la conversione, l'antisemitismo - si manifestano, secondo le vicende storiche, in tempi differenti. Con l'emancipazione, la condizione ebraica cambia notevolmente: gli scrittori tendono ad allontanarsi dalla tradizione e dalla religione ebraiche e a rinunciare in apparenza alla loro identità per essere semplicemente letterati che scrivono per il mondo intero e non solo per il pubblico ristretto del ghetto, come in precedenza. Il bisogno di anonimato mediante la proiezione di sé sul piano universale si traduce, in ambito letterario, nella scelta del silenzio sulla propria condizione di ebrei. Questo spiega anche il ricorso a pseudonimi. Il gusto del segreto sulla propria condizione ebraica è una caratteristica importante, ad esempio, dell'opera, ed anche dell'esistenza, di Italo Svevo: nella vita e nell'opera di Ettore Schmitz alias Italo Svevo l'ebraicità si percepisce, dietro le apparenze, con una inaspettata vitalità. Testimonianza di ciò sono le lettere dello scrittore alla moglie e agli amici, i romanzi, i racconti, le favole in cui emergono alcune caratteristiche e tematiche tipicamente ebraiche. Lo scrittore triestino era un ebreo emancipato e integrato nella società a tal punto da trascurare, a prima vista, la sua origine ebraica. Infatti, il suo ebraismo "nascosto" è stato argomento di polemica tra vari critici dell'opera sveviana. La personalità di Svevo è più in ombra rispetto agli altri autori presi in esame, ma la sua reticenza sulla propria condizione ebraica è certamente un connotato distintivo dell'ebreo occidentale del periodo post-emancipazione, una caratteristica che, negli scrittori romeni, e in particolare in Mihail Sebastian, si manifesta soprattutto di fronte alle manifestazioni antisemitiche come strumento di protezione della propria individualità. Ciò che accomuna questi scrittori è un fenomeno che si è manifestato dopo l'emancipazione - in Italia molto prima rispetto alla Romania: nel caso di Italo Svevo e di Primo Levi, come in quello di Mihail Sebastian, l'integrazione ha portato alla formazione di una doppia o multipla identità - tematica presente nel capitolo iniziale della prima parte. Svevo era italiano per lingua e fede politica, austriaco per cittadinanza, ebreo per religione, mitteleuropeo per cultura e formazione, commerciante di professione e scrittore per passione. Invece Primo Levi era ebreo, piemontese e italiano, chimico di professione. E non è stato solo un testimone della Shoah, ma anche scrittore, autore realistico e fantastico. Il suo ibridismo viene a manifestarsi soprattutto dopo il periodo vissuto ad Auschwitz, momento in cui inizia a raccontare, a testimoniare e a scrivere le sue esperienze, per poi meditare sul significato della Shoah nei giorni nostri. Come per altri ebrei italiani, la dimensione antisemita ha portato lo scrittore alla coscienza della propria ebraicità. Per altro verso, Iosef Hecter alias Mihail Sebastian era ebreo, romeno e uomo del Danubio, europeo per formazione, avvocato e scrittore, testimone della Shoah: nel romanzo autobiografico De două mii de ani egli ha affermato e vissuto la propria identità multipla, ma questo modello identitario che si è manifestato per la prima volta nel periodo interbellico, ha provocato dubbi e ha subito negazioni nella cultura romena. Se in una società moderna, basata sui principi liberali, le identità non si escludono ma si completano a vicenda, come è il caso dell'Italia risorgimentale, nella Romania degli anni Venti e Trenta, dominata dalla xenofobia, dall'antisemitismo e dalle correnti politiche dell'estrema destra, la creazione di questo tipo identitario è respinta in quanto l'identità nazionale romena si concentrava sull'aspetto etnico invece che su quello civile. Con l'assimilazione nel tessuto sociale della maggioranza, gli ebrei optano non solo per una sorta d'indifferenza religiosa o per l'affermazione del loro ibridismo, ma scelgono, nelle manifestazioni più "estreme" di integrazione, la conversione - argomento trattato nel secondo capitolo della prima parte. Se Ettore Schmitz si è fatto battezzare cattolico per pura formalità, Nicu Steinhardt ha abbracciato la fede ortodossa cristiana, scegliendo in seguito la vita monacale. Se la conversione dello scrittore triestino ha creato perplessità da parte della critica letteraria, il battesimo dell'autore romeno, proprio per le ragioni che hanno determinato questo atto, ha suscitato una forte polemica nel milieu della cultura romena. Il suo "caso" si è dimostrato difficile e le fonti orali utilizzate nel corso della ricerca sono state un prezioso strumento di comprensione. Le interviste da me realizzate ad alcuni prestigiosi critici, infatti, hanno contribuito a chiarire gli atteggiamenti controversi dello scrittore, tra cui, paradossalmente, la sua ammirazione per i legionari, gli esponenti dell'ortodossia e dell'estrema destra romena. L'emancipazione è stata accompagnata, in Italia come in Romania, da nuove forme di antisemitismo, che hanno coinciso con l'affermazione degli ideali nazionali - problematica dedicata al terzo capitolo della prima parte. La presenza dell'antisemitismo nella società triestina può essere, per esempio, una delle spiegazioni del riserbo di Italo Svevo sulla propria condizione ebraica e sulla presenza dei temi ebraici nella sua opera narrativa. In ambito romeno, durante il periodo interbellico segnato da manifestazioni di un forte nazionalismo e di un esuberante antisemitismo, Mihail Sebastian, violentemente attaccato per aver scritto un libro "irritante" sulla sofferta condizione dell'intellettuale ebreo nel contesto antiebraico romeno fra le due guerre mondiali, ritornerà sui temi ebraici solo in modo allusivo. Così si è cercato di spiegare la polemica creata intorno al romanzo De două mii de ani: la più dura controversia del periodo interbellico che rivela la presenza di un'élite intellettuale in preda all'antisemitismo e al nazionalismo estremista. Si precisa che diversamente dall'Italia risorgimentale dove l'antisemitismo era quasi assente, in Romania esisteva una tradizione antisemita sin dalla metà dell'Ottocento. La presenza dell'antisemitismo nella società di accoglienza è la prova che, ancor prima delle leggi razziali e delle deportazioni, l'assimilazione sia stata un'utopia. Nonostante l'integrazione, l'antisemitismo continuava ad esistere e a manifestarsi nella società della maggioranza fino a concludersi nel genocidio nazista. Così la "emancipazione" ebraica può essere vista come un momento di passaggio dall'età dei ghetti alla Shoah, come un ponte che, pur credendosi essere solido, ha portato a La distruzione degli Ebrei d'Europa. Nella seconda parte della ricerca, La condizione ebraica dello scrittore negli anni della guerra e della Shoah in Italia e in Romania, si mostra come, dopo il processo di emancipazione e di integrazione, per gli ebrei si apre, con il fascismo e il nazismo, un nuovo "capitolo" di esclusione dalla società che determina il loro reingresso non nel tradizionale ghetto imposto, ma in quello concentrazionario. Il tragico evento della Shoah ha cambiato totalmente la condizione ebraica e il modo di esprimersi degli scrittori ebrei. La persecuzione ebraica ha reso possibile il recupero dell'ebraismo rimosso con la riscoperta e l'affermazione del loro essere ebreo. L'immenso trauma subito determina gli scrittori ebrei a scrivere, come mai è avvenuto in precedenza, opere con una forte impronta autobiografica che aiutassero, per quanto possibile, a liberarsi dall'ossessione dell'esperienza vissuta e che permettessero di testimoniare gli eventi in cui sono stati coinvolti, affinché si sapesse di cosa fosse stato capace di compiere l'uomo in una società civile e moderna e si capisse che una simile tragedia non sarebbe mai più dovuta accadere in alcun luogo o tempo, perché la vera pace dipende dalla profondità con cui sono stati esplorati gli abissi di ieri. Queste sono le premesse per creare una società migliore e per educare meglio le nuove generazioni. Da queste riflessioni, è evidente che gli scrittori vedano nella loro testimonianza una missione utile alla collettività, perché convinti che si debba ricordare e capire gli eventi tragici della Shoah per evitare, in futuro, la ripetizione dell'orrore: Quando l'ebreo […] ha narrato le sofferenze che lui o lei che fosse avevano sopportato, non lo ha fatto semplicemente come ebreo, ma come qualcuno che stesse dando testimonianza a nome di tutte le vittime dell'oppressione, di qualsiasi paese e confessione religiosa essi fossero1. Qui vengono analizzati tre tipi diversi di testimonianza - romanzo, memoriale, diario - che appartengono agli scrittori presi in esame: Giorgio Bassani, Primo Levi e Mihail Sebastian. Ognuno di loro ha un proprio modo di dare testimonianza dell'esperienza vissuta. Bassani abbina realtà e finzione per raccontare la condizione di esclusione dell'ebreo dalla società italiana in seguito alla promulgazione delle leggi razziali. Invece, Primo Levi usa un linguaggio chiaro e preciso, trasparente e obiettivo per testimoniare la situazione-limite vissuta nel Lager, per cercare di far comprendere al lettore quest'unico evento della storia, la Shoah. Per canto suo, Mihail Sebastian testimonia in tono neutro, senza essere ambiguo o retorico, gli eventi del decennio 1935- 1944, con particolare riferimento alla Romania. Inoltre, gli scrittori offrono testimonianze diverse, secondo la propria esperienza vissuta. Così, diversamente da Primo Levi o da Mihail Sebastian, Giorgio Bassani non presenta mai la Shoah, ma consacra tante pagine dei suoi racconti e dei suoi romanzi agli anni '37 e '38, al periodo di discriminazioni precedenti alla guerra, e indaga minuziosamente il disadattamento posteriore del superstite. Lo scrittore ferrarese non si sofferma quasi mai sugli eventi bellici stessi. È questa una differenza importante fra lui e Primo Levi, differenza di esperienza poiché lo scrittore piemontese è stato deportato e, invece, Bassani no. Nella sua opera memorialistica Primo Levi racconta la propria esperienza vissuta ad Auschwitz per poi trarne riflessioni utili per il lettore d'oggi. Invece, Mihail Sebastian, nel suo Jurnal 1935-1944, testimonia l'adesione degli intellettuali, anche quelli di spicco, al movimento legionario, l'emanazione delle leggi razziali in Romania, i pogrom di Bucarest e di Iași, la deportazione in Transnistria2 degli ebrei della Bessarabia3 e della Bucovina4. Il Jurnal 1935-1944 di Sebastian che non è stato tradotto nella lingua italiana, è uno dei documenti storici, umani e letterari più importanti del clima del periodo interbellico romeno e delle condizioni che hanno portato alla Shoah. E, infine, tra gli scrittori è diversa anche la concezione di ciò che vuol dire testimoniare, diverso modo di interpretare la responsabilità storica dell'artista, diversa visione di quella realtà su cui deve essere portata testimonianza. Nonostante queste differenze, le testimonianze che appartengono alle vittime, accanto al loro valore di documento storico, esprimono soprattutto lo stato d'animo degli ebrei. I documenti ufficiali, infatti, non hanno mai reso nota l'esperienza vissuta dagli oppressi: senza i testimoni-vittime non avremmo avuto accesso alla dimensione morale e all'immensa sofferenza subita dagli ebrei, a una più profonda comprensione della natura e dell'evoluzione della condizione ebraica durante la Seconda Guerra Mondiale. Per concludere, l'analisi dell'opera narrativa degli scrittori ebrei, italiani e romeni, e le tematiche individuate, oggetto di questa ricerca, sottolineano pur tenendo conto delle diverse sfumature, una comune condizione dell'essere ebreo in due contesti diversi: condizione indispensabile per la comprensione dei cambiamenti esistenziali, culturali e sociali che rispecchiano il destino storico della diaspora dall'emancipazione fino al secondo dopoguerra. Queste trasformazioni e, successivamente, quelle tragiche della Shoah hanno determinato gli atteggiamenti letterari dell'ebraismo italiano e di quello romeno.

SOTTOSCRIZIONE ELETTRONICA E VINCOLI DI FORMA La documentazione dei negozi giuridici ha lo scopo di garantire certezza del diritto, ma può rivelarsi impegnativa e costosa. Rapidità ed economicità della documentazione (e, dunque, dello svolgimento degli affari) possono essere perseguite per mezzo di nuove tecnologie tra cui, in particolare, il documento informatico. Esso consiste nella rappresentazione informatica di atti, fatti o dati giuridicamente rilevanti. Se, tuttavia, quanto al documento cartaceo si sono consolidate tecniche che ne assicurano la conservazione e permettono di accertarne integrità ed imputabilità, l'utilizzo dello strumento elettronico fa sorgere dubbi quanto alla sua affidabilità. L'assenza di un supporto fisico, infatti, impedisce di apprezzare direttamente qualunque modifica del contenuto avvenuta — per mano dell'autore o di terzi, o anche non artificialmente — dopo la formazione del documento. Altro rilevante problema è quello di conciliare l'imposizione normativa di un vincolo di forma (scritta) con l'assenza di un documento cartaceo. Il legislatore italiano, su indicazione di quello europeo, ha disciplinato la sottoscrizione elettronica al fine di trovare un equivalente per quella manoscritta. Ordinate da genere a specie e con un crescente valore giuridico, sono previste la "firma elettronica", "elettronica avanzata", "elettronica qualificata" e "digitale". Benché tutte le figure abbiano un loro ruolo nel panorama giuridico, solo la firma digitale (basata su un sistema di chiavi crittografiche, una pubblica e una privata, correlate tra loro) consente di rendere manifesta e di verificare la provenienza e l'integrità di un documento informatico. Per previsione normativa, l'utilizzo di questo strumento soddisfa il requisito della forma scritta e permette la valida stipula anche degli atti che richiedono la più solenne forma dell'atto pubblico. La presenza di una marca temporale (o altro riferimento temporale) dà al documento data certa, opponibile erga omnes. Grazie all'intervento di un "certificatore qualificato" terzo e imparziale (per l'esercizio della cui attività sono previsti stringenti requisiti), è assicurata l'univoca corrispondenza tra dispositivo di firma digitale e suo titolare. È, tuttavia, possibile (benché illecito) che la firma sia materialmente apposta da un soggetto diverso (firma digitale "apocrifa"): sorgono così gravi problemi quanto alla certa imputabilità del documento. Conscio del rischio, il legislatore ha previsto che la riconducibilità della firma digitale al titolare del dispositivo sia solo presunta: quest'ultimo può svincolarsi dal documento fornendo prova contraria. Inoltre, la firma digitale (come qualsiasi firma elettronica) può essere autenticata: in tal caso si ha per riconosciuta e, dunque, non può essere disconosciuta che in esito al vittorioso esperimento della querela di falso. Nella tesi si analizzano gli effetti giuridici derivanti dall'uso abusivo del dispositivo di firma digitale da parte di chi non ne è titolare. Sul titolare della firma — quando l'abuso sia derivato da sua negligenza — grava una responsabilità risarcitoria per la lesione del legittimo affidamento eventualmente riposto da altri sulla valida sottoscrizione del documento. Se, invece, l'uso abusivo è autorizzato dal titolare stesso, il principio dell'"apparenza imputabile" determina che l'atto sia pienamente efficace in capo a lui. Al fine di attenuare il rischio di firma digitale apocrifa, si propone l'utilizzo di tecnologie biometriche, che impediscano pressoché totalmente l'apposizione di una firma da parte di chi non ne sia titolare. Tra i varî strumenti disponibili, quello che meglio garantisce il risultato — a costi e in tempi ragionevoli — sembra essere la "firma digitale autografa", peculiarità della quale è l'analisi della scrittura della firma manoscritta. In ragione della presenza di una sorta di perizia calligrafica anticipata, si riterrebbe corretto considerare come già riconosciuta siffatta sottoscrizione, con la conseguenza di escluderne il disconoscimento se non dietro querela di falso. Si ritiene che la tecnologia proposta determini una perfetta equiparazione concettuale e giuridica tra firma autografa e "firma digitale autografa": entrambe possono considerarsi apposte di mano del sottoscrittore. Ciò può aprire la strada alla documentazione informatica del testamento olografo, con grandi vantaggî dal punto di vista della sua imputabilità, inalterabilità e datazione. Al riguardo, rimangono opportuni ulteriori riflessioni ed un (non imprescindibile ma certamente auspicabile) esplicito intervento del legislatore. ELECTRONIC SIGNATURE AND FORMAL REQUIREMENTS The aim of documenting legal transactions is to ensure the legal certainty, but this activity may turn out to be demanding and expensive. Documentation can be produced more rapidly and at lower costs by using new technologies, amongst which the electronic document, which consists of a computerized representation of juridically relevant acts, facts or data. Nevertheless, while there are well-established best practices to guarantee a paper document's integrity and identity, when using an electronic apparatus doubts regarding its reliability may arise. Indeed, the lack of a physical document makes it impossible to detect any variation of its content, made by its author(s) or a third person, or accidentally. Another serious matter is how to reconcile a formal requirement with the absence of a paper document. The Italian legislator, in accordance with the European law, formulated a regulation regarding the electronic signature, in order to find an equivalent to the handwritten one. Ordered from genus to species and with rising juridical value, we find in law the 'electronic signature', the 'advanced electronic signature', the 'qualified electronic signature' and the 'digital signature'. Although each of the above is relevant in the juridical field, only the digital signature (based on a cryptographic system of two linked keys, one of which is public while the other is private) gives evidence of, and allows to verify, authentication and integrity of an electronic document. As foreseen by law, the use of this instrument complies with the written form requirement and allows the stipulation of acts requiring the more solemn form of a deed under seal. A 'time stamp' gives the document a fixed date, enforceable against third parties. Thanks to the intervention of a 'certification authority' (third and impartial; for the activity of which, strict requirements are foreseen), a direct link is ensured between the digital signature and its owner. In spite of this, it may occur (although forbidden by law) that the signature is used in fact by another person ('forged' digital signature), which can causes serious problems regarding the sure identification of the author of the deed. Aware of this risk, the legislator has only foreseen a rebuttable presumption of use by the owner: the latter can repudiate the signature and challenge the authenticity of the deed by giving evidence of the contrary. Moreover, each electronic signature may be certified by a solicitor or other civil servant: thereafter it cannot be repudiated if not by suing for forgery. In this thesis, the legal effects of a forged digital signature are analysed. If the abuse is due to the signature owner's negligence or malpractice, he is liable for the prejudice of the third party's legitimate expectations in the deed's validity. Conversely, if the abuse is authorised by the signature owner, he is totally bound by the contract, as postulated by the so-called principle of the 'imputable appearance'. In order to minimize risks linked to a forged digital signature, we propose the use of biometrics, which can almost totally exclude any signature except by the legitimate person. Among the various technologies available, the 'autographed digital signature' (based on a system of manual signature examination) seems to be the most streamlined and cost-effective. As it provides a sort of preventive automatic report on handwriting, we believe it is possible and rightful to consider this signature as immediately acknowledged, with the effect that its validity cannot be challenged if not by suing for forgery. We believe that this proposed technology generates a perfect conceptual and juridical equivalence between one's autographed signature and his 'autographed digital signature': both are written by the signatory's own hand. This may pave the way for electronically documenting the holograph will, with great advantages on the subject of its authentication, integrity and datability. However, this matter requires further reflection as well as the explicit intervention of the legislator (not essential but certainly desirable). SIGNATURE ÉLECTRONIQUE ET RÈGLES DE FORME La documentation des transactions juridiques vise à garantir leur sûreté, mais elle peut se révéler laborieuse et dispendieuse. Rapidité et économie de la documentation (et, par conséquent, de la vie commerciale) peuvent être poursuivies au moyen des nouvelles technologies, y compris, en particulier, le document numérique. Il s'agit d'une représentation électronique d'actes, de faits ou de données importants pour le droit. Néanmoins, si des bonnes pratiques ont été établies pour garantir la conservation d'un document papier et en vérifier l'intégrité et l'imputabilité, au contraire l'utilisation de l'instrument électronique soulève des doutes quant à sa fiabilité. L'absence d'un document physique, en effet, rend impossible de s'apercevoir directement d'éventuelles variations de son contenu, provoquées par son(ses) auteur(s) ou par un tiers, ou bien survenues sans intervention humaine. Un autre problème grave est comment concilier l'imposition d'une règle de forme (écrite) à l'absence d'un document papier. Le législateur italien, sous la pression de celui européen, a règlementé les signatures électroniques afin de trouver un équivalent à celle manuscrite. Dans un ordre genre/espèce et avec une valeur juridique croissante, la loi codifie une « signature électronique », une « signature électronique avancée », une « signature électronique qualifiée » et une « signature numérique ». Même si chacune d'entre elles a son rôle juridique, seule la signature numérique (basée sur un système cryptographique de deux clés liées, dont l'une est publique et l'autre privée) permets de garantir l'intégrité d'un document électronique et d'en authentifier l'auteur. Comme prévu par la loi, l'utilisation de cet instrument respectes la règle de la forme écrite et permet la stipulation d'actes nécessitant la forme plus solennelle d'une écriture notariée. Un « horodatage » donne au document une date exacte, opposable aux tiers. Grâce à l'intervention d'une « autorité de certification qualifiée » (sujet tiers et équitable ; pour l'exercice de l'activité de laquelle, des conditions strictes sont exigées), un lien univoque est assuré entre le dispositif de signature numérique et son propriétaire. Il est toutefois possible (quoique interdit par la loi) que la signature est utilisée en fait par une autre personne (signature numérique « apocryphe »), ce qui entraîne de problèmes sérieux pour l'identification irréfutable de l'auteur de l'acte. Conscient de ce risque, le législateur n'a prévu qu'une présomption relative d'utilisation par le propriétaire : il peut donner la preuve contraire et ainsi répudier la signature et contester l'authenticité de l'acte. Aussi, chaque signature électronique peut être légalisée par un notaire ou un autre agent publique : dans ce cas, elle ne peut pas être répudiée, que par procédure d'inscription de faux. Dans ce mémoire nous analysons les effets juridiques résultant d'une signature numérique apocryphe. Le titulaire de la signature, lorsque l'abus est dérivée de sa négligence ou faute, a une responsabilité civile pour le préjudice subi par les tiers qui ont légitimement fait confiance sur la validité de l'acte. Si, toutefois, l'utilisation abusive est autorisée par le propriétaire, il est totalement lié par le contrat, selon la « théorie de l'apparence ». Afin de minimiser les risques liés à une signature numérique apocryphe, nous proposons l'utilisation des technologies biométriques, qui peuvent presque totalement exclure qu'une signature soit apposée par qui n'est pas autorisé. Parmi les différentes outils disponibles, la « signature numérique autographe » (basée sur un système d'analyse de la signature manuscrite) semble assurer le mieux le résultat, à des coûts et dans un délai raisonnables. Comme elle fournit une sorte d'expertise automatique et préventive en l'écriture de la signature manuelle, nous pensons correct que sa validité ne puisse pas être contestée que par procédure d'inscription de faux. Nous croyons que cette technologie proposée entraîne une équivalence conceptuelle et juridique parfaite entre la signature autographe et la « signature numérique autographe », car les deux sont écrites de la main du signataire. Cela pourrait ouvrir la voie à la documentation électronique du testament olographe, avec de grands avantages du point de vue de son authentification, intégrité et datation. Toutefois, cette question nécessite une réflexion plus approfondie ainsi que l'intervention explicite du législateur (pas indispensable mais certainement souhaitable).

Lo studio della novazione (oggettiva) dell'obbligazione, oltre a rilevare per il suo valore intrinseco, costituisce il fondamento per la comprensione del fenomeno della modificazione convenzionale del contenuto dell'obbligazione, ammessa, quest'ultima, tra l'altro, dall'articolo 1321 c.c., là dove si prevede il potere delle parti di "regolare" un rapporto giuridico patrimoniale tra di esse intercorrente. La novazione costituisce, infatti, il della vicenda modificativa, in quanto segna il superamento del primitivo rapporto in virtù di un penetrante innesto di elementi di novità quanto all'oggetto o al titolo e della volontà delle parti contraenti che, secondo quanto prescrive il codice civile vigente, deve risultare in modo non equivoco. Al fondo, si pone il problema del corretto bilanciamento di tali componenti, soggettiva e oggettiva, della novazione, il cui ruolo nel determinare il superamento dell'originario rapporto e, quindi, il travalicamento dei limiti tipologici della modificazione, resta ancora da decifrare, come certifica il diuturno dibattito dottrinale sull'argomento. La corretta demarcazione delle due vicende è ardua anche a causa dei numerosi fraintendimenti concettuali che ricorrentemente affiorano nella nostra letteratura giuridica; non ultima, l'idea, ancora largamente diffusa, che novazione e modificazione presentino un certo grado di omogeneità. Più a monte, non vi è univocità di vedute neppure sulla natura giuridica della novazione e sui suoi effetti. Nel corso di un travagliato processo di elaborazione dottrinale si è tuttavia giunti a enucleare il potere dispositivo, in senso novativo, del credito; sullo sfondo, si staglia il carattere autonomo ed unitario dell'effetto novativo, isolato ed identificato tramite la reductio ad unitatem degli effetti estintivo e costitutivo e promanante dalla succitata facoltà di disposizione novativa. Quest'ultima si colloca, con pari dignità, al fianco del potere dispositivo di tipo traslativo ed a quello di tipo rinunziativo, come una delle utilità indirette ritraibili dal diritto soggettivo. Tuttavia, mentre la facoltà di disposizione traslativa non esprime necessariamente uno scambio, siccome l'effetto traslativo è incolore dal punto di vista della causa del negozio, non altrettanto è a dirsi dell'effetto novativo, che condensa lo scambio tra estinzione e costituzione. Per tale ragione l'effetto novativo, oltre a potersi inquadrare in un più ampio spettro di effetti e a concorrere con essi all'integrazione del profilo causale della fattispecie, ben può ricorrere isolatamente, e, in tale ipotesi, appare in grado, da solo, di colorare causalmente il negozio. In conclusione, tanto il contratto (di novazione) quanto il singolo effetto, pur assorbito in una fattispecie negoziale complessa, darebbero luogo ad autentica novazione, regolata direttamente (non già in via di interpretazione estensiva o analogica) dalle norme del codice civile: la disciplina della novazione presiede alla produzione del relativo effetto, e le regole sulla novazione si applicano a prescindere dalla circostanza che l'effetto novativo si presenti isolatamente (qualificando, in tal caso, autonomamente il negozio) o quale frammento di una più ampia fattispecie negoziale. Un'applicazione concreta di questo principio si ha nel caso della transazione novativa; rispetto a quest'ultima fattispecie, non sarebbe corretto discorrere, quantomeno nell'accezione corrente, di transazione "innovativa", trattandosi di un contratto all'interno della cui causa è isolabile l'effetto novativo tipico. Una volta posta in luce l'essenza del fenomeno novativo, e sul presupposto che, al pari di quella novativa, anche la vicenda modificativa può atteggiarsi ora come effetto, ora come contratto connotato causalmente da quel singolo effetto, si prospettano due ulteriori quesiti: il mutamento dell'oggetto (o del titolo) dell'obbligazione può essere conseguito unicamente tramite novazione, ovvero le parti possono evitare che, pure in presenza di un simile mutamento, la novazione si verifichi? In secondo luogo, la volontà delle parti può far sì che si determini novazione anche nell'ipotesi in cui la nuova obbligazione presenti, nei confronti di quella originaria, diversità limitate ad aspetti accessori? La risposta alla prima domanda rinviene il proprio fulcro nell'interpretazione di quanto disposto dall'art. 1230 c.c., mentre la soluzione del secondo problema si incentra sull'esegesi dell'art. 1231 c.c. In relazione ad entrambi i quesiti si ritiene di dover accedere alla tesi più liberista: in base alla ricostruzione prescelta, se la volontà delle parti è espressamente manifestata sarà essa, e non la norma di riferimento (articoli 1230 e 1231), a imprimere una qualificazione alla vicenda in un senso (modificazione) o nell'altro (novazione). La norma, quindi, ha carattere sussidiario e cedevole di fronte ad una diversa volontà delle parti contraenti; sua funzione è, infatti, di disporre un criterio di riconoscimento e, in ultima analisi, di regolamentare quelle fattispecie che risultano equivoche perché non vengono corroborate da una idonea manifestazione di volontà delle parti del negozio. L'autonomia privata, lasciata dal nostro ordinamento libera di esplicarsi in tutte le forme che non contrastino con norme di legge, ordine pubblico e buon costume, potrebbe quindi spingersi sino al punto di produrre la novazione anche in assenza di qualsiasi modificazione oggettiva (né soggettiva) del rapporto. Sotto il profilo causale, si osserva che, secondo la ricostruzione offerta, la causa, o minima unità effettuale, del contratto di novazione, ravvisata nell'effetto novativo, inteso a sua volta quale sintesi degli effetti estintivo e costitutivo, reciprocamente avvinti da un nesso di corrispettività, non presenta alcuna contaminazione con la vicenda modificativa, o sostitutiva, che dunque appare estranea al fenomeno novativo strettamente inteso. All'effetto novativo così delineato è estranea la sostituzione di qualunque elemento dell'originario rapporto con un altro elemento di diverso contenuto, giacché lo "scambio" si realizza sul piano giuridico (prima ancora che su quello economico) e riguarda gli effetti estintivo e costitutivo, non i contenuti delle obbligazioni che, rispettivamente, si estinguono e si costituiscono. Questa novazione "neutra" rinviene tuttavia, ai sensi dell'articolo 1322, secondo comma, c.c., un potenziale limite nella necessità di superare il vaglio di meritevolezza. Da questo punto di vista, nel caso di una volontà diretta a produrre una novazione pur in carenza del presupposto oggettivo, e, dunque, al limite, in assenza di qualunque connotato di novità sotto il profilo oggettivo, l'interesse non può che risiedere nell'intento di produrre, con riferimento all'originario rapporto, tutte le conseguenze tipiche della novazione e che risultano, di contro, estranee alla vicenda modificativa: si ponga mente alla normale estinzione della clausola penale, ove convenuta in relazione al primitivo rapporto e fatta salva una diversa volontà delle parti, al decorso ed alla misura degli interessi moratori, per alcuni autori anche all'esclusione, salvo diversa volontà delle parti, dell'azione di risoluzione per inadempimento e della relativa eccezione in relazione alla nuova obbligazione, qualora la primitiva obbligazione traesse origine da un contratto sinallagmatico, ed inoltre ai privilegi, al pegno ed alle ipoteche, nonché alla disciplina della prescrizione. La novazione potrebbe dunque darsi anche senza che sia in alcun modo alterata la fisionomia oggettiva dell'obbligazione (una volta verificato che l'interesse in concreto sotteso a tale operazione non sia perseguibile recta via per mezzo di altri strumenti giuridici) in quanto muterebbe, in ogni caso, la disciplina del rapporto. Sempre sotto il profilo della meritevolezza della novazione compiuta senza modificazioni (oggettive né soggettive), vengono esaminati gli effetti della novazione sul rapporto e sul contratto. Da tale ultimo punto di vista, si impone una digressione sul tema della causa del contratto. La ricorrente affermazione di una valenza soggettivistica della causa – adombrata nella tesi della causa in concreto, nella rilevanza dei motivi, nella teoria della presupposizione, nella distinzione tra causa e tipo contrattuale – trova la sua ragion d'essere nella duplice valenza del negozio giuridico come vicenda formale e come fonte dell'autoregolamentazione degli interessi privati. Negli atti negoziali non contrattuali, il momento di emersione della causa si ha solo sul piano dell'autoregolamento degli interessi, mancando invece la diversa e più pregnante rilevanza formale, a pena di nullità, che, per scelta di politica legislativa, è appannaggio esclusivo del fenomeno contrattuale. Da tali considerazioni discende, per via immediata e diretta, una diversa conseguenza della deficienza causale nell'uno e nell'altro caso. La mancanza di causa quale requisito formale di validità (causa del negozio) pregiudica la corretta qualificazione giuridico - formale degli interessi di parte e determina, per l'effetto, la irrilevanza giuridica della fattispecie se non sub specie iuris della sua radicale nullità formale. Il difetto della causa sul piano dell'autoregolamento degli interessi privati espresso dal negozio, sia esso contrattuale o meno (causa dell'attribuzione), non integra un difetto giuridico – formale e perciò, per definizione, non può riverberarsi sul piano delle forme del diritto. Tale difetto non si traduce, pertanto, in irrilevanza giuridica o in nullità della fattispecie. La fattispecie è valida e produttiva di effetti ma quegli effetti, così come determinatisi nelle rispettive sfere giuridiche, risulteranno instabili e provvisori, venendo ad essere successivamente rimossi attraverso gli istituti della ripetizione dell'indebito e dell'arricchimento senza causa. La novazione è estranea alla vicenda giuridico formale che ricorre nella fase genetica del contratto e perciò stesso non è in grado di alterarla o rimuoverla. La novazione è una vicenda propria del rapporto giuridico. Se, tuttavia, la novazione incide su un rapporto inserito nel quadro di una vicenda corrispettiva, questo fatto non è scevro di conseguenze. La novazione di uno dei rapporti corrispettivi comporterà l'alterazione dell'originario programma negoziale. In tal caso, il rimedio predisposto dall'ordinamento è quello della ripetibilità dell'attribuzione sfornita di sostegno causale. Se dunque la novazione si atteggia talora come fenomeno (indirettamente e latamente) modificativo degli altri rapporti scaturenti da una medesima fonte di natura negoziale, in tale contesto nessuno specifico interesse può ricondursi ad una novazione "neutra", giacché un tale negozio lascerebbe del tutto impregiudicato il complessivo assetto negoziale divisato dalle parti dell'originario contratto. Resta, in ogni caso, fissato il principio per cui la vicenda novativa, così come quella modificativa, s'incentra su un rapporto giuridico soggettivo (peraltro, non necessariamente obbligatorio) ancora in fieri, soggiacente al contratto fonte. Il ritenere che la novazione sia riferibile a ogni rapporto, inteso in senso ampio e non solo di natura obbligatoria, produce un significativo ampliamento dell'ambito di operatività della novazione; nondimeno, tale conclusione non legittima l'adesione ad una visione indiscriminatamente inclusiva dell'istituto: i diritti reali, con l'eccezione delle aspettative di natura reale, ne restano esclusi, perché la novazione è vicenda del rapporto, non del contratto, e i diritti reali per loro natura consentono la realizzazione del bisogno di vita ad essi sotteso senza la cooperazione di un soggetto passivo, dunque senza la necessità che venga istituito alcun rapporto intersoggettivo. Per analoghe ragioni, si ritiene che la disciplina della novazione non sia esportabile al campo delle obbligazioni naturali, e ciò in quanto, in radice, non si ritiene che queste ultime configurino autentiche obbligazioni, nemmeno sui generis. L'unico effetto dell'obbligazione naturale è la soluti retentio. Viceversa, sebbene la novazione, come pure la modificazione, siano vicende riferite ex professo dal legislatore ai rapporti di natura obbligatoria, entrambe sono senz'altro esportabili ai rapporti giuridici, comunque denominati, ancora in essere e non esauriti. Tra questi, l'aspettativa giuridicamente protetta è una situazione di diritto soggettivo a carattere trasversale, che consente, tra l'altro, di dare efficacemente conto di quella figura tradizionalmente (ed impropriamente) qualificata come novazione aleatoria. Con riferimento a tale situazione giuridica soggettiva, resta una difficoltà sul versante della disciplina applicabile oltre che, più in particolare, della delimitazione tra novazione e modificazione, stante l'impossibilità di trasporre sic et simpliciter la disciplina codicistica, calibrata sui diritti di natura obbligatoria, senza adattamenti. Il titolare del diritto di aspettativa ne può disporre in qualunque forma, trasferendolo, rinunziandovi, modificandolo o novandolo. Lo spettro dei possibili scenari che possono prospettarsi si allarga a dismisura, ove si consideri che la novazione, postulando, a differenza della modificazione, una discontinuità tra due situazioni giuridiche distinte, e riguardando perciò due distinti rapporti, può interessare, da un lato, un diritto di aspettativa ma, dall'altro, anche un diritto soggettivo di natura finale, o viceversa. Un'altra situazione giuridica soggettiva che si coniuga tanto con la vicenda modificativa quanto con quella novativa è il diritto potestativo, cui fa da contrappunto, dal lato passivo, la situazione giuridica soggettiva che va sotto il nome di soggezione. Appare, infine, necessario, al fine di acquisire piena contezza dei confini tra novazione e modificazione, tracciare il limite esterno di rilevanza di entrambi questi fenomeni rispetto ad altre fattispecie contigue: negozio di riconoscimento, negozio riproduttivo e negozio rinnovativo.

Desde hace ya más de tres años, México vive una guerra. Este país de 107.8 millones de habitantes, octava potencia económica mundial, sufre un conflicto armado interno que no parece tener fin y del cual su presidente, Felipe Calderón Hinojosa, parece no encontrar salida. La guerra interna entre las autoridades policiales y militares y los poderosos carteles de la droga ha resultado en la aterradora cifra de 13,120 muertes desde el año 2006. 13,120 muertes. En el correr del 2009, las muertes ligadas al narcotráfico en México sobrepasan las muertes en Iraq, con 3,397 contra 2,739 (Reforma). Un clima de inseguridad y de violencia reina en México. Varios medios de comunicación presentan sus "ejecutómetros", contabilizando las muertes ligadas a la lucha contra el narcotráfico día a día. Como si fuera poco, a estos asesinatos se suma su carácter brutal y macabro: torturas, decapitaciones, secuestros y amenazas. En septiembre 2008, una granada lanzada voluntariamente en una plaza dejó el saldo de 8 civiles muertos y cientos de heridos en Morelia, Michoacán. ¿Cómo se llegó a esta situación?El narcotráfico en México: un negocio cada vez más lucrativo.El narcotráfico en México, el comercio de drogas en grandes cantidades, es una mina de oro. El país siempre ha sido productor y corredor de importantes cantidades droga hacia Estados Unidos. Durante la Segunda Guerra mundial, el cierre de las rutas asiáticas del opio causó una gran penuria de morfina en los Estados Unidos. Las autoridades estadounidenses descubrieron que la región colindante de los tres estados mexicanos de Sinaloa, Chihuahua y Durango era particularmente propicia para el cultivo de la planta adormidera. Años después, resultó que ese "Triangulo Dorado", era igualmente fértil para el cultivo de marihuana, cuya demanda en los EEUU explotó a partir de los años 1960'. El consumo de cocaína producida en los Andes y transportada por México y el Caribe, también conoció un aumento exponencial, durante los años 1950' y 1960' entre las elites norteamericanas y siguió su expansión con el aumento del consumo de 'crack' durante los 1980'. Finalmente, a principios de los 1990', nació un gran mercado de meta-anfetaminas en Estados Unidos, que los carteles de la droga mexicanos no tardaron en controlar.La actividad del narcotraficante mexicano consiste en responder a la demanda del principal país consumidor de drogas a nivel mundial. En México, un país donde los bajos salarios y nivel de vida tocan a la mayoría de la población, arriesgarse en un negocio ilegal y peligroso, pero muy fructífero, resulta ser una alternativa atractiva. El salario de un policía oscila entre 2000 y 4000 pesos mexicanos mensuales (U$150-U$300). Se estima que trabajar con un cartel garantiza un ingreso por lo menos dos veces superior (http://www.el-universal.com.mx/nacion/152039.html). A la sólida demanda estadounidense y la precaria situación económica de la población mexicana, se puede agregar un elemento más reciente que ha contribuido al aumento del narcotráfico: el exitoso cierre de la entrada de estupefacientes a EEUU a través de la histórica ruta del Caribe, como parte de la lucha contra el narcotráfico llevada acabo por los gobiernos de Colombia y EEUU durante los años 1990' en el marco del Plan Colombia. México pasó a ser la única ruta de entrada de cocaína andina a EEUU y se contribuyó, así, a valorizar aún más el ya multimillonario negocio.De la tolerancia silenciosa al ataque frontalDurante muchos años las autoridades mexicanas optaron por una política de equilibrio, acordando tácitamente en tolerar las actividades ilícitas en cambio de paz civil y, naturalmente, de una parte de las ganancias. Sin embargo, a partir de 1985, EEUU presionó un cambio de actitud después del descubrimiento del cadáver de Enrique Camarena, un agente estadounidense de la DEA (Drug Enforcement Authority) en las inmediaciones de Guadalajara, Jalisco. El caso conmocionó a la opinión pública norteamericana y sus autoridades presionaron a sus pares mexicanas, cuya parsimonia en las investigaciones aumentaron las sospechas de nexos entre altos dirigentes y el narcotráfico. Durante las negociaciones del Tratado de Libre Comercio en 1994, EEUU insistió en la necesidad de atacar a los carteles. Con la llegada de Vicente Fox y del Partido de Acción Nacional al poder en el año 2000, empezó el verdadero cambio. El PAN había siempre optado por una política de acción frontal al narcotráfico en sus gobiernos estatales. Felipe Calderón, al declararle la guerra abiertamente al narcotráfico después de su victoria a la presidencia de diciembre 2006, comenzó oficialmente una nueva página.Varias son las teorías en cuanto a las motivaciones de Calderón para hacer de la lucha contra el narcotráfico un pilar fundamental de su sexenio. Los más escépticos consideran la iniciativa como una manera eficaz de distraer a la opinión pública de la campaña de deslegitimación contra Calderón, llevada acabo por su rival derrotado en diciembre 2006, Andrés Manuel López Obrador. De igual manera, enfrentar al narcotráfico significó presentarse como el hombre fuerte del momento. Otros ven la iniciativa como una continuación lógica a una situación ya insostenible que revela la inherente debilidad de un Estado mexicano, incapaz de controlar la integralidad de su territorio. Al llamar al ejército y movilizar 45.000 de sus soldados y 5.000 policías federales en toda la República, Calderón contaba con atacar rápida y mortalmente a los cárteles. Sin embargo, la iniciativa se atascó frente a dos obstáculos. Por un lado, el poder de los carteles. Se estima que los carteles movilizan alrededor de 150.000 personas, cifra similar al número de soldados del ejercito mexicano, y que el ingreso de la venta de drogas en EEUU se eleva a entre U$15 a U$25 billones de dólares anuales. Este dinero financia la compra de armas y la corrupción a las autoridades. Por otra parte, la administración se enfrenta a los viejos problemas estructurales del estado mexicano.Corrupción endémica y ejército abusivo.La corrupción es quizás el mayor obstáculo de la administración de Calderón, verdadero cáncer que abarca todos los niveles de gobierno. A fines de mayo de este año, 10 presidentes municipales y 18 oficiales de policía y de gobierno fueron arrestados por presuntos nexos con el narcotráfico. En noviembre 2008, dos ex-dirigentes de Interpol-México fueron arrestados por la misma razón. En diciembre del mismo año, Calderón declaró que, desde el inicio de su campaña, 11.500 empleados públicos habían sido sancionados por corrupción ligada al narcotráfico.Como si ésto fuera poco, Calderón debe enfrentarse a fuertes críticas de organizaciones de defensa de derechos humanos que reciben a diario denuncias de abusos por parte del ejército. Un informe de Human Rights Watch, publicado en abril, presenta casos de "crímenes atroces", como desapariciones, asesinatos, torturas y violaciones. La Comisión Nacional de Derechos Humanos (CNDH) reportó 1.200 denuncias contra el ejército durante el año 2008.EEUU: Una estrategia erradaA pesar de estos obstáculos, Calderón cuenta con el apoyo de una aliado no menor: EEUU. Este apoyo se cristalizó en octubre 1997 a través de la Iniciativa Mérida, acuerdo firmado entre George W. Bush Jr. y Felipe Calderón que prevé una ayuda de U$1.4 billones durante tres años, a través de entrenamiento y tecnología. ¿Pero es ésta la solución adecuada al problema? El Servicio de Investigación del Congreso de EEUU publicó recientemente su último informe sobre la violencia ligada al narcotráfico en México. En éste se precisa cual es el rol de los EEUU en esta lucha:- "Brindar asistencia a México para vencer a los carteles y terminar con la violencia- Tomar medidas del lado estadounidense de la frontera para impedir empresas de contrabando- Evitar y prepararse para un eventual desborde de violencia del lado estadounidense"Retomemos la famosa metáfora de Franklin D. Roosevelt, en alusión a la ayuda a Inglaterra en su lucha contra la Alemania nazi: si la casa de mi vecino se incendia, es natural que yo le preste mi manguera. Hoy, la violencia del narcotráfico en México es el incendio. Y naturalmente, hay riesgos de contagio a EEUU. Los carteles tienen capacidad de distribución en 230 ciudades de EEUU y asesinatos y secuestros ya han tenido lugar en Phoenix, McAllen, Dallas, Las Vegas y San Diego. ¡Sin embargo, el vecino de la manguera parece ignorar que desde su garaje, una importante fuga de gasolina está nutriendo el fuego de la casa de su vecino en llamas!La actitud y las medidas de EEUU reflejan una visión centrada únicamente en la garantía de la seguridad física de sus ciudadanos. Son medidas coyunturales y superficiales. Omiten la raíz del problema: la demanda de drogas desde EEUU es la principal causa del narcotráfico. Asistir a México militarmente y reforzar la seguridad fronteriza no es más que atacarse a la punta del iceberg. A esta demanda sólida y eterna, se agrega el hecho siguiente: el flujo de armamento de EEUU a México se estima en 2.000 armas por día. Se pueden comprar en las 7.000 tiendas que se encuentran en los estados del lado norte de la frontera. Por estas razones, hasta que EEUU no tome medidas radicales apuntando a bajar drásticamente el consumo de drogas y regular la venta de armas, su ayuda será de corto alcance.Un combate crucial para el Estado mexicanoEl actual esfuerzo de Calderón por erradicar el narcotráfico del país esconde una vieja realidad: México es, sin duda alguna, un estado, pero es un estado débil y cuyas instituciones sufren una grave falta de credibilidad entre su población. Sorprende entonces que Calderón pensara que la tarea podría ser corta. Basta con visitar varios estados mexicanos para descubrir lugares recónditos donde la presencia estatal no existe o es fuertemente contestada. Por ejemplo, en el estado de Chiapas, se ven aún los conocidos paneles informando al pasante la entrada en territorio zapatista : "Zona Zapatista: Aquí el pueblo manda y el gobierno obedece". En dichos territorios, los zapatistas controlan la producción y administran escuelas y regulan el consumo de alcohol. Por otra parte, las instituciones estatales sufren de muy poca credibilidad y son más bien asociadas con corrupción e ineficacia. 90% de los secuestros no son denunciados a las autoridades por miedo a que éstas negocien con los secuestradores.México vive actualmente un momento sangriento de su historia. Sin embargo, es un momento crucial. Después de haber puesto fin a 71 años de poder del PRI, una eventual victoria contra los carteles de la droga significaría otro logro histórico y un estímulo de credibilidad y legitimidad que permitiría a los mexicanos creer en sus instituciones. El desafío es inmenso. Últimamente, autoridades mexicanas y estadounidenses han convenido en la necesidad de cooperar contra un problema que les concierne a ambos. Las declaraciones de Obama, durante su última visita en abril, parecen vislumbrar una visión más amplia del problema de parte de la administración estadounidense: "…más de 90% de las armas incautadas a los narcotraficantes en México vienen de los EEUU." Admitiendo así que EEUU es parte del problema, dicho país debe, en lugar de ofrecer paliativos puntuales, atacarse a la raíz del fenómeno, con medidas de envergadura y profundidad, si es que desea evitar la inestabilidad de su vecino al Sur y el riesgo de contagio de la ola de violencia en su territorio.*Licenciado en Historia y Ciencia PolíticaCandidato a Maestría en Ciencia Política Universidad de Paris I, Panthéon-Sorbonne

The November 3rd election for governor in Virginia is making headlines, as Obama rallies for Democratic candidate Creigh Deeds at Old Dominion University this week, in a last- ditch effort to close the gap that separates him from Republican candidate Robert McDonnell.Taking place in an "off" year, this race is considered a harbinger of next year's mid-term legislative elections, which in turn are a referendum on the popularity of the President himself. That is why it is being closely monitored by both parties and the media. The so-called "Old Dominion" has occupied a central role in the political history of the country since its early beginnings, through the Civil war and the Civil Rights movement of the 60s. Its state government, with the country's oldest legislature, has consistently been ranked first in effectiveness among all 50 states. Virginians are politically savvy and their voting trends are considered of national significance. For example, in 1989 Virginia was the first state to elect an African-American as governor. In the last eight years, while still remaining a red state that voted Republican in national elections, it chose two consecutive Democratic governors. In the historical 2009 election, as a reflection of important demographic changes in the age and diversity of its voters, Virginia became a swing state: Barack Obama carried the state, and today Virginia's two Senate seats are occupied by Democrats. In spite of its importance as a bellwether of national politics, the contest for Governor this year has been a lackluster race, characterized by two candidates with little or no charisma, one of which had a clear advantage from the beginning. Indeed, for Republican Bob Mc Donnell the race has been easier from the start, since he faced no opposition during the primary season. He has therefore had enormous financial support from his party and has used the national debate on government spending to his advantage, capitalizing on public discontent with the lack of tangible results of Obama's economic rescue plan on Main Street America. McDonnell has assailed his opponent aggressively as a tax-and-spend Democrat who, if elected, would run the state finances to the ground regardless of the cost to Virginians. Thanks to his party's financial support he has been able to conduct an overwhelming TV advertising campaign focused on his own and his daughter's military career (a smart decision in a state with large military bases and an even larger defense establishment), his concern for job creation programs and support for small businesses.In contrast to his opponent, Democratic candidate Creigh Deeds had to face a tough three-way primary election this past summer, against Terry McAuliffe, a prominent party man who headed Hillary Clinton's campaign last year, and Brian Moran, a county prosecutor and Virginia House delegate. In spite of running a poor campaign with sparse staff and minimum resources, and of being outspent by at least one of his opponents (McAuliffe) two-to-one, Deeds, who had trailed in the polls for most of the race, finally won by a surprisingly wide margin (50%-26%-24%). The current governor race is a re-match of the Attorney General race of 2005, which was very close and McDonnell finally won by a mere 320 votes. Asked about it, Deeds says that he holds no grudge against his opponent. Deeds, a state senator from Bath County with a strong Southern rural accent, is an honest but rather bumbling character, with tousled hair, a disheveled appearance, and a tendency to give muddled answers to questions. In contrast, Mc Donnell, a fit- looking former Army officer and prosecutor with strong ties to the Christian Right leader Pat Robertson, has run an orderly campaign, focusing mainly on issues that affect Virginians such as transportation and taxes, but also on the spending habits of national figures such as House and Senate leaders, Nancy Pelosi and Harry Reid. Indeed, Deeds has complained in interviews that his campaign has been negatively affected by the spending plans of the Democrats inside the Beltway.In contrast to McDonnell's more general approach at attacking everything Democratic, Deeds has based his advertising campaign on more personal attacks, mainly aimed at McDonnell's 1989 master thesis in which he expressed ultra-conservative views on women, homosexuals and abortion. This is a tactic that may backfire as people are tired of negative advertising.In later ads, Deeds has tried to portray his opponent as telling "untruths" and changing his policy position belatedly and dishonestly, only in pursuit of votes (the "flip-flop" strategy). Although still negative, these were more tailored to issues that matter to Virginians. For example, in arguably the most important policy issue the next Governor will face, namely, that of changing the redistricting state laws, McDonnell clearly changed his opinion once he decided to run for governor and now supports reform. 2010 is a Census year, and based on the Census results, state legislatures will engage in the decennial process of re-drawing political borders. In Virginia, the present system is skewed in favor of incumbents. There has been an important movement led by the League of Women Voters to reform the process so that redistricting is carried out by a bipartisan commission and not by the party in power. Deeds supports this reform, as do most Virginians, but McDonnell was against it until this year. Thus, the flip-flop allegation may prove to be a better angle of attack for Deeds than McDonnell's 20-year-old thesis on the role of women in society, although those negative ads have certainly gotten the attention of many young and professional women who will now come out and vote for Deeds.Nonetheless, Deeds faces an up-hill battle for several reasons. Besides the advantage of an early start in fund-raising and campaigning, the whole Republican Party has rallied around McDonnell, who is perceived as a strong candidate that could initiate a much needed turnaround in the fortunes of the party. He has campaigned with McCain and will campaign with Mitt Romney next week. He is more articulate, better organized and a smoother debater than his opponent, and has known how to capitalize on the public discontent with Washington. He has run on a basic platform of job creation and lower taxes to favor small businesses, and would subsidize the urgently needed transportation projects by the novel idea of selling off state-owned liquor stores to private owners. (In Virginia, one can only buy hard liquor and spirits at state-owned dispensers called ABC stores, which are closed on Sundays).In contrast, Deeds, a cerebral policy wonk who does not shy away from intricate ideas and well thought out plans, and who does not speak in sound bites or buzz words, appears less eloquent and not as good a communicator. Although neither is a brilliant debater, during the live debates McDonnell looked more competent, less flustered and less tentative in his responses. In addition, Deeds has not been able to unite the party behind him. Former Virginia Governor Douglass Wilder, the first African-American to occupy that office in the United States, has refused to endorse Deeds in spite of a plea from Obama to do so. The two men disagree on tax policy and gun control. The Democratic candidate has acknowledged he would raise taxes to pay for the transportation projects, while Wilder denounces his plan as reckless, given the state of the economy. On a totally different issue, they are also at odds. Deeds (perhaps because he represents Bath County, a rural district of Virginia) supports the repeal of a state gun-law that restricts the amounts of guns Virginians can purchase. Wilder, as do most Democrats, would like that law to stand. This kind of contradiction –in favor of higher taxes (a fiscally progressive stance) but against gun control (a conservative position) sums up of the kind of candidate Deeds is and explains why he has not gained the support of all Democrats. Ironically, the Republicans have been hailing Wilder's refusal to endorse Deeds on account of his stand on higher taxes, but they avoid mentioning the gun control issue, on which they would be obliged to concur with Deeds.On Tuesday October 27th, exactly one week before the election, President Obama held a rally with Deeds at the Constant Center at Old Dominion University, in front of a crowd of 6,000. This represented a last effort by Obama to rescue Deeds by persuading the youth and African Americans to vote next Tuesday. It was only the second time the President campaigned for Deeds: he had done so once at the beginning of the campaign, in Northern Virginia. Clearly, Obama understands the difficulties his party will face in the 2010 mid-term elections. The man earns his paycheck: this past week alone he has raised money for Democratic congressional candidates in Miami, New York, Massachusetts and Connecticut. He then rallied for incumbent Governor Corzine who faces a tough re-election battle in New Jersey and finally for Deeds in Southeastern Virginia. Some say that by spending so much time on the road doing the bidding for his party, the President loses credibility as an agent of change. But no one should underestimate Obama's capacity to handle many issues at the same time. As his meteoric rise in politics proves, he is methodical, disciplined and always focused on a long-term strategy.Obama is quite aware that if his party loses seats in the 2010 elections, his own agenda and indeed, his own chances at re-election in 2012 will be in jeopardy. And as an avid student of political history, he knows that since the 1930s there were only two cases in which the sitting President's party did not lose seats in a mid-term election, so the odds are unmistakably against the Democrats. In the case of Virginia's gubernatorial races, a similar phenomenon has been unfolding: in the last eight consecutive elections, governors have been elected from the party opposite to the one in the White House. To these historical precedents, one must add the state of the economy today, the fact that unemployment is running at 10% and that public opinion is showing high levels of discontent with political parties and politicians in general. (The president is still exempt from this malaise, at least for now, with last week's polls showing his support at 57%). Also, another factor that will weigh in on next year elections is that those independents in traditionally Republican-leaning districts who voted for Democratic candidates in 2006 and 2008 as a result of the anti-Bush backlash may very easily reverse that trend by voting Republican next year.Very mindful of these challenges, Obama is exerting himself to the utmost to reap at least some early wins that would give new direction to the public mood. In health care reform he seems to be very close to victory. A win in the gubernatorial races would certainly reinforce that trend and give some positive signals for 2010.In Virginia, this election will also test the depth of that transformation from red state to swing state. The main trial for Democrats is to get people energized enough to go to the polls next Tuesday. After eight years out of the Governor's mansion in Richmond, this time Republicans are much more attuned to the gubernatorial race than Democrats, and they are also much more enthusiastic about their candidate than Democrats are about Deeds. All eyes are therefore on Virginia. The last Rasmussen Reports taken a few hours after Obama's visit, found McDonnell at 54% to 41% for Deeds, with 4% undecided. Creigh Deeds has run as the underdog before and recovered in time to win. He may still surprise us again, but this time he needs a miracle.Senior Lecturer, Department of Political Science and Geography Director, ODU Model United Nations Program Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia

To celebrate International Youth Day 2020 Rachel Mims, Senior Program Officer for Youth Political Participation at NDI, is joined by three young leaders from Zambia, Lebanon, and Moldova. They discuss competitive youth debate as an opportunity to build political skills, actively contribute to solving social problems, and create greater space for youth inclusion in public life. For more information please go to https://www.ndi.org/youth-leading-debate
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Given Kapolyo: I don't believe in the saying young people are the future leaders. Because the truth is they tell us this for years and years and years, when I was 15 they told me you're a future leader, then I turned 20 and they said I'm a future leader, then they turned 25, and they said I'm a future leader, so then I'm now just waiting, I'm saying okay, when does the future come?
Now I think just this is time that we turn it around, and say young people should be the leaders of today, as well.
Rachel Mims: Today's young people deserve real opportunities to participate in political processes, and contribute to practical solutions that advance development. When given an opportunity to organize, voice their opinions, and play a meaningful role in political decision making, they consistently demonstrate their willingness and ability to foster positive lasting change. They also become more likely to demand and defend democracy, and gain a greater sense of belonging.
Recent global movements such as movements for climate justice and racial justice demonstrate that young people are demanding a shift in who has power, and in how that power is used, yet young people still find themselves marginalized from mainstream politics, and are limited in their ability to exercise the same influence over decision making processes. This is particularly true for young people who have experienced intersecting forms of marginalization and exclusion. At a time when global inequality is increasing, young people remain disproportionately impacted, and are expressing frustration with leaders and institutions that they perceive to be inaccessible, incapable, unresponsive, corrupt, and often repressive.
NDI works globally to support the political participation of young people through a variety of approaches that increase young people's agency, and create a more supportive environment. One approach involves helping young people develop competitive debating skills, including an issue analysis and framing, reasoning, public speaking, and active listening. NDI has supported [inaudible 00:02:05] programs in several countries, including longstanding programs in Jordan and Moldova, and more recent programs in Guatemala and Libya. We've seen the debate skills not only enhance political participation, but also contribute to holistic youth development. Debate builds practical skills that pave the way for young people to successfully engage in civil discourse and peaceful problem solving, both with their peers and with adult power holders.
I'm Rachel Mims, Senior Program Officer for Youth Political Participation at the National Democratic Institute, and today we are joined by three young leaders from Lebanon, Moldova, and Zambia, each working in different ways to apply their debate skills and actively contribute to solving social problems. As a result, they're creating greater space for youth inclusion in public life. First we'll hear from [Gibbon Carpolio 00:02:58]. Next up, Rachbenda Fou, and then Selena Decuzar. Welcome to Dem Works.
In Zambia, NDI partner with a chapter of the Center for Young Leaders of Africa, and Youth for Parliament, to gather young people from across political parties, media, and civil society organizations to debate solutions for increasing the number of young people in parliament. This debate program created an opportunity for youth from parties and civil society to change ideas, develop their public speaking and research skills, and to generate discussion around critical issues facing youth in Zambia.
We spoke with Given Kapolyo to learn more. Given, thank you for joining us today.
GK: Thank you so much for having me. It's a great pleasure to feature. First of all, I'm a young African female, my name is Given Kapolyo, I'm a young politician, I'm a student, I'm an activist, I'm an advocate, and a public speaker now. I can proudly call myself a public speaker, after I took part in the NDI public speaking that was called the Youth Debate Zambia.
I live in the northern part of Zambia. That's Kasama, northern province, Kasama, rural part of Zambia, so it was great that I was moved from the northern part of Zambia to the capital city, just to participate in the Youth Debate Zambia.
RM: Thank you, and thank you for telling us about all the different hats you wear. I hope to hear more about your activism, and other things that you're doing in politics.
Can you tell me more about your experience in the debate program? What was it like? What were some of the topics that you all discussed?
GK: We began with a training session. We covered the history of public speaking, we covered the tricks that we need for public speaking, how you draw the attention of a crowd, how you keep them engaged, and ordered. It was different young people from different parts of the country, and we were all brought together and were taught together, and then were given a topic. We were discussing how we can increase the number of young people in parliament, the number of youths in parliament, and it was a very profound experience, in the sense that we didn't just learn, then they'd give us a chance to actually show what we had learned from the training, and it was that interesting.
By the time we were leaving the training, there were people that were so confident to go back to their communities, and just speak change into their communities, into the crowds, and that was just how interesting, and just how meaningful it was to me and other participants that were there.
RM: I really love the point about public speaking, and this immediate sense of agency that young people feel, that they can go back and use their voice, and they have skills that they can start to put into use right away. Can you talk about the connection between some of the skills that you learned and your future political aspirations? I know that you're interested in running for public office.
GK: One of the things that we learned at the Youth Debate Zambia was that communication, public speaking and communication have a lot to do with politics, and with the youth standing out as a public figure, because it's they also mentioned how many great orators were [inaudible 00:06:34] were to get into public office because of how they spoke, how good they were at it, and the impacts that it just had in changing society.
For me as a young politician, first of all I must mention that the country that I'm from it's very difficult for a young female. First of all, it's very difficult for a female to make it into public office. It's even worse for a young female to make it. That, it also prepared me for how I could use my words to show people that not only will I be a voice for them, I could actually speak my heart out to them, tell them what my plans are, but then do it skillfully in a way that they buy into it, and are able to elect me, and even how because we dealt with topics on how you could make your speech relatable such that as you're telling your story somebody that is listening instantly feels like you're telling their story, and when they're able to relate with you it will be very easy for them to actually elect you as their leader, because they feel like you're a mirror of them, and then you can represent them better.
The training for me was actually a point that I think began a lot of things for me, because I knew I could speak, but then I didn't know I could use it to further my political ambition. When I went back home, in Kasana, I was able to speak to various groups. Just by me sharing my story with them, they were able to buy into the vision that I have for my ward, because I have aspirations of standing as a ward counselor next year, in our general elections, and it's been very helpful.
I've been able to know another important thing we learned is how you should be able to read your audience, so depending on who I'm talking to, I'm able to know which skills I should employ.
RM: Thank you. I know you can't see me, but I'm nodding vigorously over here, because you just shared, I think, so many important lessons with our listeners, just about how you can use these skills to further your political ambition, how things are different for young women, and how they face different barriers and challenges into getting into elected office, and how these skills help create an opening.
I want to talk about NDI's work in changing the face of politics, and it relates directly to what you mentioned about being a young woman in politics. NDI is launching a decade-long campaign to accelerate the pace of change on all aspects of women's empowerment, and that includes their participation in leadership and politics, and I wanted to hear from you what you think young people's role is in not only changing the face of politics, but ensuring that young women have a role to play, and can participate in politics.
GK: We need to become alive to the reality that our parents will not be here 10, 20, 30, 40, 50 years from now, it is us that will be here. Every time I'm speaking to young people about young people involvement in politics and leadership and decision making and getting involved in civic spaces, I'm always telling them if we don't get involved now, then we are simply selling our future off ... Not even selling it off, we're simply giving it off for free. Because whatever our ... Those that we leave leadership to today, whatever decisions they make, or whatever they choose to do with the resources that we have, whatever they choose to do with our nation, they will not be here to face the repercussions, we will be here.
Most of our parliament, the Zambian parliament has over 158 seats, and only 2 people are below the age of 35, only two people are youth, but if we do get young people involved, then we do get young people into parliament, we will know to say this decision that I'm making today, I'm only 27, so the decision that I'm making today, 30 years from now the chances that I still will be here to answer for it and to face the repercussions of if I make a bad decision will linger in my mind, for even as I make a decision I'm thinking I'm not thinking five years from now, I'm thinking 10, 15, 20, 30, 50 years from now, because I'm assured I will still obviously be here. I feel the time is now that young people actually take over and provide solutions to many of these challenges, and many of the problems that our country, our continent, and even the world is facing today.
RM: So many of the points that you just talked about really point to the need for this culture shift, and a culture change within politics. I think a lot of what you are advocating for, particularly about greater youth inclusion, can help contribute to that shift, and politics being more inclusive and representative of young people.
I just really want to thank you for taking time to talk with us today, and to share your thoughts, and I really want to wish you all the best in your run for office. I think you would make an amazing political leader, and I'm really excited to see what your future holds, and where you'll go after your participation as a young person in politics.
GK: Thank you so much. I look forward to where I go to, so I keep working towards it. And this I'm guaranteed that I will get there. Thank you so much for having me. It's been a pleasure having this conversation with you. I look forward to further interactions.
RM: Us as well. Thank you again.
For more than 35 years, NDI has been honored to work with thousands of courageous and committed democratic activists around the world, to help countries develop the institutions, practices, and skills necessary for democracy's success. For more information, please visit our website, at www.NDI.org.
In Lebanon, NDI is collaborating with the television station MTV Lebanon, for its weekly program, It's About Time, which features political leaders responding to questions from the host and from young people who have been trained in policy analysis and debate skills by NDI. MTV Lebanon hopes that by expanding debate culture in the country and by proving that young people can debate, they will pave the way for hosting Lebanon's first debates between national political leaders before the next elections in 2022. The show has achieved broad viewership, and resulted in viral moments on social media, with some political leaders saying that they tune in specifically to watch the youth debate segment. I would like to introduce everyone to Rafka Noufal, a junior Lebanese lawyer, and active participant on the debate show. Rafka, thank you for joining us for the podcast today.
Rafka Noufal: Thank you for having me with you today.
RM: I'd like to start with you giving us a brief introduction about your work, and your background, and what brought you to the debate show.
RN: I'm a 24-years-old Lebanese junior lawyer. I studied law in the Holy Spirit University, a Catholic University in Lebanon, and I just graduated from my masters to a degree. I also have a certificate of completion of the [inaudible 00:14:06] university program on international criminal law and procedures, and am a very social person who's interested in politics and in all the topics that are rising inside our country. When I knew about the TV political show It's About Time, through my university, I was very excited and more willing to join this show because I saw it as a platform to raise our voice as the young people in Lebanon, and to give our opinion and our thoughts on all the political and social and economic topics that are arising inside our society.
I work as a lawyer now, [inaudible 00:14:42] bar association, and I work in an office that takes private law cases and more specifically criminal law cases. Throughout my work, I got familiar with the gaps and insecurities inside the Lebanese legal system.
RM: I see so much connection between your ability to do this work as a lawyer and having the opportunity to dig into these pressing political issues on the debate show. Can you tell me a little bit more about your experience on the show, and talk about some of what you gained, whether it's skills that you gained, or kind of how the show maybe changed your perspective about politics?
RN: In fact, the different trainings we did with NDI were very useful on many levels. First of all, it developed our skills in public speaking, which is very important in the life of politics, and to my work also of the lawyer. Also, these trainings triggered the reason and the logic inside every mind of the young people who participate in the show, and it let us discuss and have conversations people from all over the country, so this debate program let us know how to discuss, how to debate topics without hurting other people's feelings, or other people's opinions.
RM: Can you tell me a little bit more about some of the topics that you debated on the TV show, and maybe topics that came up that were a bit more controversial, or there was more, there were maybe more emotions, or opinions that people really wanted to share?
RN: First off, my last debate at the show was about the early elections in Lebanon. I was supporting that we should have an early election in Lebanon, to change the members of the parliament, because the government in Lebanon now, even the parliament, they are not doing enough work in order to take us, or to help Lebanon go through this economic situation, this economic crisis we're going through right now in Lebanon. I was supporting the fact that we should be doing an early election, to change the leaders, to change the member of the parliament. We need young people to get inside the parliament. We need new, free minds, that are not attached to the past, they are not divided by sectarianism. We need a civil country, not a country that is divided by sectarianism.
RM: Can you talk a little bit more about your thoughts on the protest, and what you see as a way forward not only for young people in Lebanon, but the entire so many people across the country have been engaged in the protests, kind of what do you see as a vision, or a way forward?
RN: I would like to start by giving, talking about the problem between this disconnection, between young people nowadays in Lebanon, and the political parties, before talking about the protests. In fact, political parties in Lebanon are still attached to the past, and they divide young people by sectarianism. You should follow this party because you are from the sect that this party supports, or also I think that political parties inside Lebanon lack any vision for the future beyond their personal interests, and the most important point is that they deny the youth right to participate in decision making process, because they are political parties that are doomed with ... How to say it? Political inheritance, and the cultural hierarchy that says that elders know better than young people, but in fact when that's not the case when it's faced with reality, because every generation faces new challenges, different from the challenges that the other generation faced, so all of this adding to the corruption that grows like a tumor inside [inaudible 00:18:54] infecting all the aspects after [inaudible 00:18:58] for about like the environment, infrastructure, and economic crisis led to the birth of this protest and this revolution that emerged inside the streets of Lebanon.
RN: I think that young people, and I'm one of them, we saw this revolution as a window of hope to change the current corrupted situation in the country, and maybe to take part of the decision making process, to give our opinion, our thoughts.
RM: Do you see some of the topics that have come up in debates, and young people's desire to protest and take part in the revolution, do you see that as a meaningful pathway to change?
RN: I think so. I think young people believe in these social movements because these social movements are based on the free minds, and are detached from sectarianism, and from inequality between the Lebanese people, and maybe these social movements can create in the future political parties that can govern Lebanon and help it to develop like other countries in the world.
RM: This year, under the banner of of Changing the Face of Politics, NDI is launching a decade-long campaign to accelerate the pace of change on all aspects of women's empowerment, and that includes their participation in leadership and politics. I wanted to ask you what you see as young people's role in changing the face of politics, and ensuring that young women specifically can participate and have a meaningful role in politics, and particularly in the context of Lebanon, this new politics that you all are attempting to usher in.
RN: I think that [inaudible 00:20:44] young people are making a step to bridge this gap between politics and youth people, because they are taking on important issues, such as climate change, mass immigration, and even women empowerment, however, I think that we still have a bit of problem inside the third-world countries, but as for women empowerment, I think Lebanon and and outside in other countries young people believe in gender equality between man and woman, and they don't consider gender as an indication for holding a political position.
In fact, we support us young people that competence, performances and efficiency are the only conditions for judging a person in a position of power, and not being a woman or a man. Thus, if we take charge in Lebanon, I think you will see more women engaged in the politics. For example, right now in Lebanon we are demanding the vote of the law for women's quota in all Lebanese election as a step to engage more women in the political life of the country.
RM: Do you think that this culture of youth debate, and young people sharing their voices on these important political topics, do you think that this trend will continue, in that it's important that young people continue to use debate to speak out about politics?
RN: The debating concept is important because first, it lets you build constructive arguments in a persuasive way, and you don't only talk just to talk, you have to talk with a logic and reason. Young people can express their opinion with public speaking skills, and to accept the opinion of other people without deciding them, or offending them, as I mentioned before.
RM: I really want to thank you for taking time out to share more with us about your political experience, and to talk about the political trends that we're witnessing in Lebanon. I think that a lot of what you shared can be really relevant for young people, and for others that are participating in politics, to really understand how this development skills and development of knowledge around debate can be useful for a political career.
RN: I would like also to thank NDI for all the training they did with us, and it was really a lifetime experience with them, and with It's About Time show.
RM: Great. Thank you.
RN: Thank you so much.
RM: NDI has worked with thousands of young people on the art of competitive policy debate, and has ongoing debate programs in three regions. To learn more about NDI youth debate programs, or access program resources, visit the Youth Leading Debate Initiative, on NDI.org.
In Moldova, NDI is facilitating the seventh iteration of the Challenger Program, which aims to help create the next generation of political leaders, policymakers, and civil servants. Challenger equips young people with the knowledge and skills to develop realistic public policies that respond to the needs and priorities of the people in Moldova. The youth debates take place in the second phase of the program, the policy debate school. During the program, the participants acquire research and analytical skills, and they also take part in developing a youth manifesto, which addresses important national problems faced by young people in the country.
I would now like to introduce you to Silena, who is a member of the Challenger Program, and is going to join us to talk a little bit about her experience. Hey, Silena, thanks for joining us today.
Selina Dicusar: Hello. Thank you for having me.
RM: I'd like to just start with you giving us a brief introduction about yourself, and telling us about your experience in the program.
SD: Okay. My name is Selena Dicusar. I am 20-years-old. I was born in the Republic of Moldova. Currently, I'm studying Moldova, at the international relations.
SD: I am a member of the Communication PR Department of the Erasmus Student Network Chisinau, but elections are currently underway, and I will run for Vice President. I am also participant of Challenger, and a double winner of the Best Speaker Award.
RM: Selena, thank you for that introduction. Can you tell me about your experience in the Challenger Program, why did you decide to join in the first place, and what do you think you gained from your participation in the program?
SD: It's certainly the most complex intense and in depth project that I've ever been involved in. I've had a unique experience participating in a project which changed my attitude towards politics, and taught me new skills. Firstly, I learned to value my knowledge in terms of languages and to apply them correctly in research. Secondly, I have learned to think critically, and always question any information I receive or process. And last but not least, I learned how to develop solutions.
About opportunities, yes, what I gained in Challenger helped me to properly recommend myself to the mayor of my native village, and prove that my ideas will help improve the situation in the village.
RM: Thank you. I think you brought up some really excellent points, particularly about this need to challenge information that we receive from different sources, and to really kind of understand what's being proposed for our different communities. Can you talk a little bit more about some of the debate skills? You mentioned that they connect to your political participation outside the program. What about the debate component helps prepare you for political engagement outside the program?
SD: First of all, the debate helped me understand how to make a manifesto, because we are writing manifestos in the program, and I think this is one of the most important skills that I have learned, and that have certainly helped me to engage more in politics out of the program.
RM: Great. Thank you. I want to talk a little bit about I know that you do quite a bit of work on the local level, and that you've been doing some work with the local mayor, so I want to talk about this trend that we're seeing, which is a bit of a disconnect between young people and formal political institutions, and we're really seeing young people kind of disengage from formal politics. I'm wondering based on your work in the community and on the local level what you think about this trend in young people moving away from formal politics, and also if you think that working on a local level is part of a solution or a viable pathway for young people to participate in politics.
SD: First of all, it is mandatory that parties and politicians stop underestimating youth. They shouldn't only change their attitudes, but also encourage young people to join parties, giving them the opportunity to work on the issues that interest them, and unfortunately one of the biggest issues between young people, political institutions, and parties in Moldova that they don't hear each other. Young people are often not appreciated fairly, they are not heard, and these of course discourages them from further action.
Local political participation is certainly a viable path that many Moldovans are unaware of, specifically my case about three or four young people and one curator from another city work on projects in our city [inaudible 00:28:24], those are the critical shortage of young people work is proceeding slowly. Most likely this is due to the fact that such work requires time and dedication. Is almost not rewarded financially, and among our youth experience is not in the first place for all. The situation is improving, the new generation is more politically active.
RM: Thank you, Selena, and I think a lot of the points that you made about how parties need to change their strategy about the way that they engage young people is really important, and also this need to work at multiple levels, that we're working at the lower level, but we're also creating opportunities at the national level, too, and I think your work experience speaks to that as well.
I want to talk a bit about young women's participation. This year, under the banner of changing the face of politics, NDI is launching a decade-long campaign to accelerate the pace of change on all aspects of women's empowerment, and this includes women's participation in politics. I want to ask you what you feel like young people's role is in ensuring that the face of politics changes, and that young women have more opportunities to participate.
SD: First of all, it seems to me that the new generation which is now growing up is more aware of the problems that humanity faces. This is a generation that can embrace changes slowly, and their role in ensuring that participation of women in politics is first of all to learning how to accept the leadership of a woman, and question the abilities of women and men working in the same area on the wages of equal criteria, and to better involve young women in politics we must first of all educate them because an educated woman is a strong woman who can defend her interests.
RM: Thank you. I think you know the point about it being a generational change, I think that's echoed in the other, the conversations with other young people, as well, is it seems like this generation is more willing to ensure that participation is inclusive, and then that includes young women as part of the conversation.
I really want to thank you for joining us today, and for sharing some insights about your participation in the program, and how you see your participation in Challenger really helping create political space for young people. Is there anything you want to add, in closing?
SD: I would like very much to thank the people coming here that created this program. It's a big challenge for Moldova to teach a generation of people that is aware of politics, that can change the political situation in the country, and the political culture, as well. I think if we get to teach more people how politics works, probably there will be a positive change in my country.
RM: Again, I just want to thank you for joining us, and answering the questions. I really wish you the best of luck in everything that you pursue, moving forward.
SD: Thank you very much.
RM: Thank you to our listeners. To learn more about NDI, or to listen to other Dem Works podcasts, please visit us at NDI.org.


Podcast Participants; Given Kapolyo, Rafka Noufal, Selina Dicusar.



24. Increasing Youth Political Inclusion through Debate

Democracy (General), #NDI #National Democratic Institute #Women #Citizen Participation #Youth

Summary of the Study Introduction Sudan is the third largest country on the African continent with a total area of 1,882,000 sq km. before the secession of South Sudan in 2011; Sudan was the largest country in Africa, covering I million square miles. Sudan is unique and complex in its climate, politics, environment, languages, cultures, religion and ethnicities. Demographically, Africans are the majority (52%), with Arab and Beja tribes constituting 38% and 6% of the population, respectively. Over 597 tribes live in Sudan that speak more than 400 dialects and practice different religions, live in Sudan. Muslims make up 70% of the total population of Sudan, followers of indigenous beliefs comprise 25% and Christians constitute 5% of the population. The complex mixture of the Sudanese social fabric renders it neither distinctly African nor Arab country. The Sudanese, however, have long disagreed about Sudan's identity. For some, Sudan should be Arab and Muslim. Other believe that the country should respect and accommodate all the cultures, religions and minorities within its territory. Most of Sudan constitutions stated that Islam and Arabic language should define the national identity. Politically, since the independence, Sudan has experienced a fluctuation between military rule and democratic rule. In fact, Sudan spent thirty years under the military rule, and only twelve years under democratically elected governments. The successive governments have frequently made use of emergency legislation to broaden the executive powers. These legislative measures have contributed to conflict and facilitated a range of human rights violations. In addition to the political instability, Sudan has the distinction in Africa in enduring a devastating civil war: that is: Sudan's north-south civil war. The conflict started just a year before the independence of Sudan, in 1956. The cumulative impact of that conflict has been massive. The conflict has caused horrendous loss of life in any interstate war, and has produced the largest internally displaced population (IDP) in the world. Sudan north-south conflict has long been perceived as ethnic or even religious conflict between the north and the south. Ethnicity has been used generously in the description of that conflict. Yet, a closer look at the history of the conflict reveals that the root-causes of that conflict are highly complex. But, this is by no means to say that conflict has had no ethnic, racial and religious overtones. The eruption of the north-south conflict was the result of a combination of factors. One could trace the root-causes of the conflict to the invasion of the south from the north by Turkiyya that expanded southwards, and the simultaneous development of slave trade. Thereafter, the British rule contributed in different ways to the crystallizing of the north-south dichotomy. After the independence of Sudan, successive governments, were unsuccessful in handling the growing southern problem, ranging from neglect to attempts to reverse the British isolation by enforced Arabisation and Islamization of the southern Sudan. The north-south conflict ended, in 1972, when Addis Ababa Agreement was signed by then President Nimeiry. But, the conflict broke out again, in 1983, when the Addis Ababa Agreement was abrogated by the then President Nimeiry. After a series of peace talks (which witnessed 'start and stop'), a Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) was concluded, in 9 January 2005, between the Government of Sudan (GoS) and the Southern Sudan People's Liberation Movement (SPLM/SPLA) to end the conflict. The CPA provides for a temporary solution for the conflict through, inter alia, the distribution of the power between the north and the south of Sudan by establishing a decentralised system of government with a significant devolution of powers within which the Southern Sudan is to enjoy a regional autonomy and share half of the resources with north Sudan for a period of six years. Furthermore, the CPA creates joint institutions, such as, the Government of the National Unity (GoNU) in which the Southern Sudan participate and share ministerial posts. The CPA also provides for the establishment of a number of commissions for implementing and monitoring the CPA, for instance, the Evaluation and Monitoring Commission, the National Human Rights Commission, etc. At the end of the interim period, a referendum on the self-determination is to be held, in 2011, in which the people of the Southern Sudan will decide whether to remain within a united Sudan or to secede and form an independent State. The Aim of the Study The significance of this study derives from the conclusion of the CPA and the adoption of the Interim National Constitution (INC) that called for democratic transformation so as to bring an end to Sudan north-south conflict. While the CPA ended Sudan's north-south conflict, a lasting peace and a democratic transformation, in Sudan, may prove elusive unless the CPA provisions are translated into reality, especially the implementation of constitutional, legislative and institutional reforms, including human rights protection and respect for the rule of law. The study aims to answer whether the CPA and INC can fulfil their roles in securing peace and establishing a framework in which the constitutional protection of human rights are recognised and effectively implemented through the availability of the various mechanisms. In this respect, the CPA provided for the adoption of a new constitution (INC), with a view to embedding constitutionalism, rule of law promotion, and protection of human rights. It is, therefore, this study is meant to analyze the constitutional, legislative and institutional reforms of the CPA and INC with a view to examining whether such constitutional reforms may be conducive for a lasting peace, in Sudan, that is based on human rights protection, constitutionalism and the rule of law. The CPA stipulated the need for institutional and legislative changes to reduce the risk of recurrence of human rights violations. To this end, the CPA mandated the adoption of a bill of right (for the promotion and protection of human rights) and provided for re-restructuring of the courts system. Such institutional reforms are aimed at embedding constitutionalism. That is to say: establishing a system in which the constitution provides an agreed upon framework for the exercise of powers and the protection of human rights. In this respect, the study examines whether the outcome of the constitutional reforms process (to recognise, implement, and protect human rights as provided for in the INC) have been reflected in institutional and legislative reforms to protect and prevent human rights violations and address past violations and systemic factors that have contributed to violations. To that end, the human right jurisprudence of the constitutional court will be examined. The Organization of the Study a) The Structure of the Political/Governance System in Sudan under the INC With the devolution of the powers and resources to the Southern Sudan level and other States, the governance system, under the INC, is structured with four levels of government: the national level at the apex, the Government of South Sudan level, the State level (25 States), the local level. Now, the government responsibilities are decentralized and the national government allocates a significant proportion of revenues to the States. It is, therefore, that the first question that this study poses is: What is the impact of the current governance in giving greater equity of representation and decision-making influence to communities across Sudan, thereby facilitating conflict management to achieve a lasting peace in Sudan? In Sudan, previously appropriate design of institutions to ensure political accommodations for all social groups has not been established in a way that would give them the chance to function properly. Now, the INC restructures the prevailing governance system by establishing a decentralized system of government that bears the characteristics of asymmetrical/symmetrical federalism - asymmetrical in the structure and responsibilities of subunits, with the level of South Sudan having more powers and resources than other States across Sudan. Establishment of a federal structure may constitute a mechanism for preventing a relapse into conflict through the devolution of the powers to the State level. For a federal to work effectively, it requires a functional court system to decide on the jurisdictional limits of the different levels of government. Nevertheless, the relevance of the court system in resolving the intractably political contentions in federal countries, especially in transition situations, is uncertain. Noticeably missing from the literature is the study and analysis of the impact of the role of court system in post conflict countries. That said, the role of the court system in preserving democracy has grown in importance with the increase recognition of the judicial review of the constitutionality of the acts of the government organs and the recognition and the protection of human rights provisions. It is, therefore, that the involvement of the courts is necessary to ensure the successful operation of the federalism and thus the failure or the success of federalism is contingent on the implementation of the federal system by the courts. According to some scholars, 'federalism means legalism – the predominance of the judiciary in the constitution- the prevalence of a spirit of legality among the people'. As '[the] courts …are actually telling a government how far it can go with its assigned constitutional rights'. This leads to the second question that this study addresses which relates to the analysis of the constitutional reform as provided for in the INC, in general, but with a special focus on the role of the court system, through the application of judicial review and protection of human rights, to resolve not only disputes in litigations between private parties, but also to prevent the arbitrary exercise of the government power. b) The Structure of the Legal System (Court System) in Sudan under the INC The available literature presents different views as to the role of the court system in new democracies. On one hand, one view assumes that the courts have a fairly wide discretion to decide the outcome of the controversial cases to the needs of the political moment. The other view, on the other hand, takes the position that political actors do not exert any kind of influence at all on the way judges make their decisions. A third source, and with which I agree, argues that legal rules do put constrains over the exercise of the judicial discretion in controversial cases. A fourth view argues that in new fragile democracies constitutional courts/supreme courts should not be involved in judicial review, especially on adjudicating issues related to social and economic rights, which may profoundly affect the allocations of resources and violate the doctrine of separation of powers. In this respect, the study considers whether the court system, as restructured in the INC, and other constitutional guarantees introduced to the legal system as a whole, offer good prospects for constitutionalism that may control the power of the government so as not act arbitrarily. The role of court system in resolving disputes is highly contingent on the substantive law and the institutional structure within which the courts apply laws. Thus, this study examines to what extent the current structure of the legal system under the INC and the protection of human rights through the application of the Bill of Rights by the courts may signal the State's commitment to constitutionalism and respect to the rule of law. It is, therefore, that the role of the court system (in contributing to democratic transformation in Sudan) should be evaluated against the legal framework: that is the INC, with a focus on the independence of the judiciary, the application of the Bill of Rights and the rules governing the judicial review. c) The Legislative and Institutional Reforms under the INC The functions of the courts, in developing countries, have experienced increasingly transformative role as institutions that can hold the government organs accountable. The study aims to examine the practice of constitutionalism: that is, the implementation of the INC constitutional, institutional and legislative reforms, especially the compliance with the provisions of the INC and the CPA, in particular the role of the constitutional court as "a positive legislator". In this regard, the Sudanese Constitutional Court may play an important role in the law reform process given its power to annul laws found unconstitutional. This entails the non-applicability of such laws and, as a result, would compel the government institution/organ concerned to adopt new legislation that is in conformity with the INC. Thus far, the Sudanese constitutional court, under the INC, has received a number of human rights cases that involved issues related to violations of human rights or related to the constitutionality of key legislation, such as counter-terrorism laws, immunities for officials and statutes of limitation for torture. So what role the constitutional court has played in the law reform process under the INC? For the court system to play a role in the democratic reform, a comprehensive law reform process is seen as a prerequisite to bring the existing laws in line with the provisions of the INC and enacting new laws. Therefore, this study identifies what legislative and institutional reforms that have been undertaken by the parties to the CPA during the interim period to address human rights violations, root-causes of the conflict; inequality; marginalization, rule of law vacuum and weak democratic structures. Furthermore, this study offers empirical evidence for the judicial behavior of the Sudanese constitutional court through a systematic examination of selected human rights jurisprudence of the constitutional court to gauge its role in the law reform process in Sudan since the adoption of the INC. Overview of the Study and the Main Findings of the Study Introductory Chapter: Overview of the Study The Introductory Chapter provides an overview of the study, including, the key features of the State of Sudan, the aim of the study, the main objectives of the study, and a general overview of the study. Chapter One: A Historical Background of Sudan's North-South Conflict Chapter One gives a rich and deep account of Sudan north-south conflict. It looks at the root-causes of the conflict by elaborating on different factors that directly and indirectly contributed in making that conflict protracted. Chapter one moves on to consider the end of the first Sudan's north-south conflict which was ended when Addis Ababa Agreement was signed in 1972. Chapter one further elaborates on Sudan's second north-south conflict which broke out in 1983. Finally, Chapter one touches on the various peace initiatives that ended by the conclusion of the CPA. Chapter One concludes by analysing the CPA. In the final analysis, the CPA made significant changes the prevailing governance and legal systems in Sudan by establishing a federal system, introduced a dual legal system a bill of rights, provided for the right to self-determination for the south Sudan, established institutions for the protection of human rights by establishing mechanisms such as National Human rights Commission, and distributed the wealth equally between the north and the south. However, the CPA failed to include the Sudanese people in the talks leading to the conclusion of the CPA, as the CPA was bilateral reflecting the views of the north and the south. Chapter Two: The Structure of the Governance System under the INC The INC describes Sudan as a decentralized State with different levels of government: the national level, the Southern Sudan level, the State level and the local level. It further grants the Southern Sudan autonomy status. A careful analysis of the current governance arrangements reveals that the INC provides for asymmetric/symmetrical federalism system of governance. Chapter Two discusses the allocation of legislative powers between the national government, the Southern Sudan and the rest of the country and the nature of the constitutional design of the INC to manage diversity of Sudan (ethnic, linguistic, religious and cultural diversity). At the outset of Chapter Three provides an overview the fundamental principles of federalism and provides a brief historical background of federalism in Sudan and how federalism arrangements can play a role as a tool for peace-building. In the final analysis, in contract with old constitutions of Sudan, the INC establishes a federal system, with four levels of government; national, south Sudan, State and local levels. The INC federal system guarantees the special characteristics of all ethnic and religious groups in Sudan through the creation of the Council of the States. However, all the States in Sudan are not treated equally, because (1) two States have special status (South Kordofan and Blue Nile States), and (2) between the ten States in the South and the national level, the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) is inserted to exercise authority in respect of the ten States at South Sudan level. This means the INC creates asymmetrical/symmetrical federalism, as the South Sudan level enjoys significant autonomy and exclusive authority over ten States in South Sudan. All the States in Sudan are not treated equally, because (1) two States have special status (South Kordofan and Blue Nile States), and (2) between the ten States in the South and the national level, the Government of South Sudan (GoSS) is inserted to exercise authority in respect of the ten States at South Sudan level. This means the INC creates asymmetrical/symmetrical federalism, as the South Sudan level enjoys significant autonomy and exclusive authority over ten States in South Sudan. The INC Schedules (A – C) distribute the exclusive and legislative powers to the national level (A), the GoSS level (B), and the state level (C). Schedule (D) lists the concurrent powers and Schedule (E) allocates the residual powers as per its nature. Schedule (F) is a provision to resolve conflict that might arise under Schedule (D). It should be noted that not all issues listed in the INC schedules are allocated to one level of government only. For example, several substantive issues are granted to the national level as an exclusive competence, to the South Sudan level as an exclusive competence and at the same time to all levels of government as a concurrent power, such as telecommunication. With regard to the legislative powers allocated to the tens states at the South level, the GoSS according to Schedule (B) has the competence to enact a kind of framework with regard to issues that fall under the exclusive South Sudan State competence, thereby limiting the legislative powers of the ten States in South Sudan. Finally, the INC has reinforced existing power relations and failed to provide structural changes for democratic transformation, as the INC asymmetrical federalism accommodates the demands of the South Sudan only. As the INC does not accommodate the demands of the different ethnic and cultural groups in the different regions of Sudan as demonstrated in Darfur Peace Agreement and East Sudan Agreement. Chapter Three: The Structure of the Legal System under the INC The INC altered the Sudanese legal system with a view to accommodating the competing views: Sharia law and secularism. For a proper understanding of the present Sudanese legal system and an assessment of the role of the court system in contributing to democratic governance, a glance at the Sudanese legal history is necessary. Firstly, Chapter Three reviews the constitutional developments in Sudan since the independence to the present day. Secondly, Chapter Three provides overview of the structure of the court system in a decentralized system and focuses on the contribution of the court system to democratic transformation through limiting the acts of the government. Chapter Three further discusses issues that may impact of the role of the court system in contributing to democratic transformation. Yet, the role of the court system in promoting democratic transformation is contingent on the constitution, the substantive law, etc. For instance, instituting the principles of constitutionalism is contingent on the independence of the judiciary, as an independent judiciary is required for the protection of constitutional rights and to restrain the actions of the government. Thus, it is important to understand under what conditions the court system develops such accountability functions: that is, what conditions favor the ability of the court system to exercise an effective accountability functions. It is, therefore, Chapter Three examines (a) how the INC re-structures the court system in the north and the south of Sudan so as to give effect to the principles of the federalism and legal pluralism; (b) the rules regulating the judicial review, and (c) the protection of human rights through the implementation of the bill of rights by the court, all of which signal the commitment of the State to establish democratic governance. Finally, Chapter Three attempts to evaluate the independence of the judiciary and the rules that govern the judicial review before and after the adoption of the INC with a view to assessing the fidelity of the government to the principles of constitutionalism, and whether the limitations observed in the actual conduct of the government. In the final analysis, the INC constitution making process was bilateral reflecting the views of the parties to the CPA and lacked inclusiveness, but provides for a pluralism legal system by providing for a constitution for south Sudan and 25 State constitutions. The INC introduces State judiciary and South Sudan judiciary and opted for an integrated the court system. That is: the State courts apply the State laws, the national laws and the South Sudan laws. In the North, the State courts are still organized by the national level, although the NC provides for the establishment of the State judiciary. At the South Sudan level, all State courts are organized and financed at the level. Towards the South Sudan, the National Supreme Court is the final court of on matters arising under national laws The INC emphasizes the importance of protecting; respecting and promoting human rights through the inclusion a bill of right and incorporation via Art. 27(3) of the INC all human rights treaties that Sudan has ratified, thereby the human rights contained in the INC directly applicable before the Sudanese courts. Also, the implementation of some human rights requires revision of the existing statutory laws. To date there has been limited legislative reforms to address human rights violations. A few laws have been reformed but fall short of Sudan international obligations, such as Criminal Act, Security Laws, Immunity Laws, etc. The INC differentiates between the north and the south regarding the sources of legislation. Art. 5 of the INC lists Sharia as one of the sources of legislation along with the consensus of the people at the national level. Art. 5(2) of the INC names popular consensus and the values and the customs of the people of Sudan as the sources of legislation in South Sudan. The INC contains special rules for national legislation if its source is religion or custom. In that case, a state where the majority of residents do not practice such religion or customs may introduce different legislation allows practices or establishes institutions in that State that are consistent with its own religion or customs. The INC establishes human rights commission for the implementation of the bill of rights as well as a commission for the protection of non-Muslims in the Capital. The INC has chosen a concentrated system of judicial review and a hybrid system of judicial review with respect to the South Sudan as the Supreme Court of South Sudan acts as a constitutional court and a high court of Appeal with respect to South Sudan. The newly enacted Judicial and Administrative of 2005 does not provide for concrete judicial review of law and bars the court from question the constitutionality of law by way of making referral to the constitutional court, thereby renders the judiciary unable to deal with crucial constitutional issues. Chapter Four: Institutional and Legislative Reform: Practice of Constitutionalism In order to understand whether the adoption of the INC has brought any changes may enhance the role of the court system in contributing to democratic transformation; Chapter Four scrutinizes the compliance of the statutory law with the provisions of the INC, the law reform process in Sudan and the implementation of law in practice. Chapter Four further presents an analysis of more pertinent provisions of civil and political rights in the light of the laws and practices prevailing in the country to assess the extent to which the principles laid down in the INC are complied with. It further assesses the involvement of the Sudan constitutional court in the law reform process by reviewing a selected human rights jurisprudence of the constitutional court. Finally, Chapter Four makes a reference to the jurisprudence of other constitutional courts (the German constitutional court, the Indian Supreme Court and the South African constitutional court) by way of comparison. In the final analysis, a) the INC does not set out procedure for concrete review and access to the court is not free; b) The court has a broad power to consider and adjudge and annual any law in contravention with the constitution and restitute the right to the aggrieved person and compensate for the harm. The court may also order interim measures to avoid any harm. As such, the court can abolish laws and compel the government to enact new law; c) the constitutional court has reviewed a number of cases that alleged the violation of human rights. The court has demonstrated reluctance to declare legislation unconstitutional. Interpretation of the bill of rights and reference to international human rights lacked consistency and the court has taken deference to the executive; d) the constitutional, legislative and institutional changes did not acknowledge past human rights violations through mechanisms that would question the way of governance and persisting inequalities and injustices; e) the constitutional court has institutional weaknesses and its jurisprudence has largely upheld existing laws such as immunities laws and the constitutional court made limited reference to international human rights law; f) the constitutional, legal and institutional reforms failed to generate the sense of constitutionalism and the fundamental change that were to remove the causes for human rights violations and provide effective remedies. A number of laws contravening the human rights are still in force, such as, Public Order Act, Immunity of police, security and army officers, inadequate laws for the protection of women's rights; and finally, the implementation of CPA as a means of democratic transformation left an unreformed government virtually intact Chapter Five: Post- Referendum Sudan Chapter Five looks at the constitutional developments after the secession of South Sudan, with a focus on constitution making process in Sudan. The Southern Sudan Referendum for self-determination, held in July 2011, clearly indicated that the absolute majority of those who participated in the referendum for the Southern Sudan favour separation of the Southern Sudan from Sudan. The secession of the South Sudan on July 9, 2011, as a result of the referendum on self-determination provided by the CPA has created a new reality in Sudan with far reaching economic, political and social implications. Economic and financial losses related to the secession are substantial and have affected all sectors of the economy. Sudan has lost three-quarters of its largest source of foreign exchange (oil), half of its fiscal revenues and about two-thirds of its international payment capacity. In general, the secession of South Sudan resulted in a 36.5% structural decrease in overall government revenues. The unresolved issue of Abyei constitutes a trigger for potential violent tension in the future between Sudan and South Susan. Abyei status is yet to be decided, as both Sudan and South Sudan claiming it as part of its territory. Its final status will be decided by a Referendum for which implementation mechanisms have not yet been agreed upon by the two countries. The end of the CPA necessitated a constitutional review process to decide on the new constitution to replace the INC. However, for a constitution to be able to win the affections of the citizens of the State, it will be necessary to involve those citizens in the constitution-making process that establishes such a constitution, so as to ensure that the process is inclusive and reflects the aspirations of the Sudanese people at large. It is, therefore, important to increase public involvement in the constitution-making process by inviting public participation. In order for the design of a constitution and its constitution-making process to play an important role in the governance system, the design of the constitution has to be responsive to the aspirations of the ordinary people. A constitutional review process is currently under way but has not resulted in any clear proposals. That said, since 2011, a constitutional review has been underway in Sudan. The constitutional review process has not been participatory or inclusive. Lively debates on the new constitution in general, and the Bill of Rights and human rights protection in particular, have nevertheless ensued. These debates have been driven by a keen awareness of the importance of constitutional rights. These debates reflect both traditional concerns over the protection of civil and political rights, particularly in the administration of justice, and other issues that have also become a cause of acute concern. These include the desire for the realization of economic, social and cultural rights, and the rights of members of groups who suffer discrimination, particular women, religious and ethnic minorities and persons with disabilities. Currently, public debate over the new constitution is proceeding, although the Government has not yet announced a timeframe for the constitution making process, amid a polarization of views on diverse issues such as the decentralization of power and wealth sharing between the different regions of Sudan. Since 2011, the Government of Sudan, in collaboration with the UNDP and other UN agencies, initiated the forum on public participation in constitution making to facilitate open and public dialogue. This approach has been based on the need to pursue the constitutional process/review inclusively, transparently and participatory to ensure all sectors of society including civil society organizations and opposition political groups participate fully in the process.