Social dialogue focusing on the problems of work does not deliver a sufficient area of communication for all citizens. It is important, therefore, to note that civil dialogue develops and permits to look at social problems in a wider manner as well as to include various partners to decisions made by the public authorities. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to present civil dialogue in a theoretical and practical way. For that reason, making the detailed objectives of the study, we turn our attention to the relationship between social and civil dialogue, as well as the methods of civil dialogue. In the second section we wish to investigate one of these methods – namely, public consultation in a theoretical way. The third part of this paper describes a case study analysing an information meeting over the Lower Silesian participatory budget. In the final section we conclude our reflections about civil dialogue. The paper uses data from scientific literature, acts as well as the case study – observations and interviews with the participants of the consultative meeting.
The author argues that the clerical mobility - related to the career paths of civil servants - is closely connected not only to politics understood as the struggle for power (leading political science point of view) but also to public policy. Against this background, he analyzes the occupational mobility of public officials, taking into account the processes of public administration politicization and professionalization. I search for the interrelations between this phenomena, civil service systems (career and position based) and governance models (Weberian bureaucracy, new public management, governance / good governance). He defines the type of the influence of mobility on the civil servants' professionalism and state agility. For this purpose, the author also examines the typical advantages and disadvantages of clerical mobility as well as the influence the politicians exert on it.
The fundamental thesis of this paper is that Moldovan civil society needs to improve its communication with society. The dependence of Moldovan NGOs on financial aid from EU donors could create a Principal/Agent relationship. NGOs should respect the needs of society and stimulate the government on a pro-European path. The author proves that communication between public administration and civil society is crucial in the process of integration with the EU. ; Artykuł przedstawia wybrane elementy sytuacji społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Mołdawii. Podstawową tezą artykułu jest stwierdzenie, że organizacje społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Mołdawii muszą poprawić swoją komunikację ze społeczeństwem. Uzależnienie mołdawskich NGO od pomocy finansowej od donatorów z UE może tworzyć stosunki zleceniodawca/agent. NGO powinny uwzględniać potrzeby społeczeństwa i stymulować rząd na ścieżce proeuropejskiej. Autor dowodzi, że komunikacja między administracją publiczną i społeczeństwem obywatelskim ma kluczowe znaczenie w procesie integracji z UE.
The author argues that the clerical mobility – related to the career paths of civil servants– is closely connected not only to politics understood as the struggle for power (leadingpolitical science point of view) but also to public policy. Against this background, heanalyzes the occupational mobility of public officials, taking into account the processes ofpublic administration politicization and professionalization. I search for the interrelationsbetween this phenomena, civil service systems (career and position based) and governancemodels (Weberian bureaucracy, new public management, governance / good governance).He defines the type of the influence of mobility on the civil servants' professionalism andstate agility. For this purpose, the author also examines the typical advantages and disadvantages of clerical mobility as well as the influence the politicians exert on it. ; Autor argumentuje na rzecz tezy, że mobilność urzędnicza – odnosząca się do ścieżekkarier urzędników państwowych – jest ściśle związana z polityką utożsamianą nie tylkoz walką o władzę (dominujące ujęcie politologiczne), ale również z polityką publiczną.Na tym tle analizuje mobilność zawodową urzędników, uwzględniając procesy polityzacji i profesjonalizacji administracji. Bada związek tego zjawiska z systemami służbycywilnej (zamknięty i otwarty) oraz modelami rządzenia (Weberowska biurokracja,nowe zarządzanie publiczne, współzarządzanie/współrządzenie, w tym dobre rządzenie).Określa rodzaj wpływu mobilności na profesjonalizm urzędników i sprawność państwa.W tym celu rozpatruje także typowe wady i zalety mobilności urzędniczej oraz wpływ,jaki na nią samą wywierają politycy.
The adversarial principle has a long tradition in Polish civil procedure. It was one of the main principles under the Polish Civil Procedure Code of 1930. Later on, the change of the state system to socialism brought significant modifications to the shape of the subject principle. Due to the different bases of socialist civil procedure, the adversarial principle was almost completely forgotten. It was later resurrected, with another change of state system. The contemporary lawmaker is much interested in shaping the adversarial principle in the right way. The latest amendments to the Polish Civil Procedure Code of 1964 were focused on creating the proper bases for the functioning of the courts and for proper regulations regarding parties remaining active throughout the process. The presented analysis leads to the conclusion that the adversarial principle is, and always has been, of very high importance to civil procedure.
Events of August'91 as an expression of political disobidience in the process of shaping civil conduct, "Kultura i edukacja. Culture and Education" 2016, nr 4 (114), pp. 125-139 , 2016 Civil disobedience is the attitude which in the 20th century proved to be the only effective form of resistance to authoritarian regimes. So it was in the case of the events of August '91 when the Soviet society objected to the activities of the State Committee on the State of Emergency. It would not have been possible without the reform programme known as perestroika initiated by the last USSR leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Thanks to perestroika and the accompanying glasnost-transparency of sociopolitical life-the previously apathetic and alienated Soviet society felt responsible for their own life and for the fate of the State. By opposing the rebels through pas sive resistance, the citizens proved to the leaders of their own country, to the world, and above all, to themselves that they were aware of their rights and responsibilities. The process of sociopolitical socialization stimulated the development of civil society in the Soviet Union.
The subject of the analysis is the idea of internal trainers in the civil service (government administration offices). I consider an internal trainer as a civil service employee who, beyond his/her own basic scope of responsibilities, teaches others in the subjects he/she majors. In the research I use the perspective of knowledge and human resources management. The main reference point is the AMO paradigm, which determines the conditions of people management effectiveness. In line with it, effective employees (trainers in this case) are able (prepared for their role), motivated (intrinsically or extrinsically) and institutionally given the opportunity to act. In the article, I present the actions which the administration can undertake in each of these areas. I also analyse the advantages and disadvantages of the idea of internal trainers and refer to its criteria of success. Against this background I present a case study - the functioning of the group of internal trainers at the Chancellery of the Prime Minister.
In statutory legal cultures, both the introduction of mediation into the legal order and the determination of the legal status of the mediator and his responsibility require legislative action. This is the situation of the Polish legal order. Mediation proceedings in civil cases were introduced into the Polish civil procedure in 2005, while in 2015 the mediation model in civil cases was substantially significantly amended. The mediator's status has also changed as a result of the introduction of a new type of mediator – the so-called permanent mediator, and with a slightly different shaping of the legal liability of mediators. These changes were considered in the article. As a consequence, the reasons for the progressive professionalization of mediation activities have been strengthened. ; W kulturze prawa stanowionego zarówno wprowadzenie postępowania mediacyjnego do porządku prawnego, jak też określenie statusu prawnego mediatora i jego odpowiedzialności wymaga działań ustawodawczych. Z taką sytuacją mamy do czynienia w polskim porządku prawnym. Postępowanie mediacyjne w sprawach cywilnych zostało wprowadzone do prawa cywilnego w 2005 r., zaś w 2015 r. model mediacji w sprawach cywilnych został dość istotnie znowelizowany. Zmianom uległ też status mediatora w związku z wprowadzeniem nowego typu mediatora – tzw. stałego mediatora, a także z nieco innym ukształtowaniem odpowiedzialności prawnej mediatorów. Zmiany te zostały rozważone w artykule. W ich konsekwencji wzmocnione zostały przesłanki postępującej profesjonalizacji czynności mediacyjnych.
Civil defence means actions aiming at protecting population, industrial plants, utility companies, and cultural goods, saving and helping the injured in times of war, as well as cooperating in fighting natural disasters and environmentas threats and in deletion of their effects. Vivil defence should function on the basis of the principle of generality, obligation, unvariability of organizational structure, complexity of operation, adequacy, readiness, decentralization of management, planning, support, and interterritorial solidarity. The central organ of government administration for civil defence is the Chief of Civil Defence of the Country, who is appointed by the Prime Minister. The motion is put forward by the minister of internal affairs. Provincial governors, starosts, borough leaders, presidents of towns or cities are local organs of civil defence. ; Obrona cywilna to działania mające na celu ochronę ludności, zakładów pracy i urządzeń użyteczności publicznej, dóbr kultury, ratowanie i udzielanie pomocy poszkodowanym w czasie wojny oraz współdziałanie w zwalczaniu klęsk żywiołowych i zagrożeń środowiska oraz usuwanie ich skutków. Obrona cywilna powinna funkcjonować na podstawie zasady powszechności, obowiązkowości, niezmienności struktur organizacyjnych, kompleksowości działania, adekwatności, gotowości, decentralizacji zarządzania, planowania, wsparcia i międzyterytorialnej solidarności. Centralnym organem administracji rządowej w sprawach obrony cywilnej jest szef Obrony Cywilnej Kraju, którego powołuje Prezes Rady Ministrów na wniosek ministra właściwego do spraw wewnętrznych. Terenowymi organami obrony cywilnej są wojewodowie, starostowie, wójtowie lub burmistrzowie (prezydenci miast).
Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication ; Pojęcie obywatelskiego nieposłuszeństwa wiąże się tradycyjnie z postacią Henry`ego Davida Thorea, którego słynny esej z 1848 roku pt. Resitance to Civil Government, stał się inspiracją dla rozwoju współczesnej refleksji nad obywatelskim nieposłuszeństwem, a także źródłem nieustannych poszukiwań jego istoty. Rozważania nad nieposłuszeństwem obywatelskim prowadzili też Hannah Arendt, a także John Rawls, Joseph Ratz oraz Ronald Dworkin. Stworzone przez tych autorów definicje obywatelskiego nieposłuszeństwa zawierają pewien katalog cech składających się na to pojęcie. Najważniejszymi spośród nich są zakaz stosowania przemocy oraz gotowość poddania się karze. Na gruncie polskim problematyka ta omawiana była przez Andrzeja Rzeplińskiego, Ewę Łętowską, a ostatnio przez Artura Szutę i Michała Rocha Kaczmarczyka. W historii Polski symbolem obywatelskiego nieposłuszeństwa jest Tadeusz Rejtan. Ostatnio działania wykazujące cechy obywatelskiego nieposłuszeństwa podejmują Obywatele RP. Obywatelskie nieposłuszeństwo może być mylone z takimi pojęciami jak prawo do oporu, sprzeciw sumienia lub nieposłuszeństwo rewolucyjne. Niezależnie od wielu kontrowersji związanych z samym pojęciem, nie ma wątpliwości, że instytucja ta ma do spełnienia szereg bardzo pozytywnych ról. Pozwala na zainicjowanie niezależnej, niekontrolowanej przez władzę dyskusji. Zapewnia partycypację polityczną oraz stwarza warunki sprzyjające możliwości oddziaływania na władzę. Odgrywa też niebagatelną funkcję informacyjną. Ale przede wszystkim przyczynia się do rozwoju społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. ; Over the past few decades, civil disobedience has become one of the most widely studied subjects in jurisprudence. The name which is widely recognized and associated with the term is that of Henry David Thorea for it was his essay, published in 1849 under the title "Resistance to Civil Government" and later renamed "Essay on Civil Disobedience" that first brought this idea to the public attention. After his landmark lectures were published in 1866, the term began to appear in numerous sermons and lectures relating to civil or social oppression in its many forms. In 1866, four years after his death, the term had achieved fairly widespread usage. Among Thorea's numerous followers were Hannah Arendt, John Rawls, Joseph Ratz and Ronald Dworkin who all, in their own way and method, contributed to the catalog of features associated with the term as we know it today: the active, professed refusal to obey certain laws, demands or commands of a government, or of an occupying international power. Civil disobedience is relatively often defined as essentially and profoundly nonviolent. Actions or undertakings which strive to be labelled as such will, therefore, have to be equated with nonviolent resistance and prepared to suffer the penalties set out in the law. In Poland civil disobedience has been discussed in the works of Andrzej Rzepliński, Ewa Łętowska and, most recently, by Artur Szuta and Michał Roch Kaczmarczyk. The most symbolic depiction of the issue held dear in the sentiments of Polish patriots will be the 18th century Polish parliamentarian Tadeusz Rejtan. Today, Polish civil disobedients have chosen a variety of different methods to manifest their discontent. Civil disobedience is often mistaken for the right of resistance, conscientious objection, revolutionary disobedience. But, regardless the confusion those terms might cause, their social standing and significance remain undisputed. It gives rise to independent and spontaneous public debate, free of authoritarian intrusion or imposition. It acts as a free and independent public platform. And, last but not least, it helps to build civil society in its own right.
The author draws attention to the consideration of the complexity of civil participation in deliberative democracy, indicating that the legislator assumed that dialogue is to be a way of existence, and thus the basis of any social situation in the state. State authorities appointed to serve the people and the common good have to ask citizens about their position in the case, not in order to obtain the desired response, thus emphasizing the departure from the monologue culture in favor of dialogue and communication with the public. The author claims that the normative foundations of the community state are linked by the conviction that public values and purposes are established in the communication process. In this approach, it is important to achieve public purposes and the quality of their achievement, its constructive features are: network, multi-level management, conciliation, participation. The basic mechanisms of action of this type of state are: deliberation, compromise and arrangements are made in the social networks – the dominant type of management of public affairs in this model is co-management. Solicitude of the state as a common good obliges not only a citizen, but means that a citizen has the right to expect that public authority will act so that the Republic of Poland can be considered a common good by citizens. Referring to literature, the author notes that deliberative democracy and its concept put more emphasis on the importance of conversation, discussion and debate on democratic practice than on the importance of voting. Its supporters argue that the debate improves the quality of collective decisions and increases the chances of their acceptance. Varieties of deliberative democracy range from accentuating local representation to reinforcing the debate within representative legislative bodies. The article points out the differences between discourse and deliberation. Moreover, the forms of civic participation and civic participation techniques used in Poland are presented. We have come to live in times when communication, both traditional and with the help of modern media, plays a significant role in shaping societies. It is important to understand the basic laws guiding communication, the ability to properly form interpersonal relationships, cognize the factors affecting the quality of messages transmitted, the technique of freedom of expression, the skill of persuasion and argumentation. The correct perception of the essence of dialogue in a deliberative democracy is its foundation, especially when it concerns institutions aimed at turning natural and legal persons to public decision-making process. Considering the literature, it was found that new participative solutions, primarily the ability to dialogue, could prevent a democratic deficit and also indicated that that civic participation impacts on the creation of deliberative democracy. ; The author draws attention to the consideration of the complexity of civil participation in deliberative democracy, indicating that the legislator assumed that dialogue is to be a way of existence, and thus the basis of any social situation in the state. State authorities appointed to serve the people and the common good have to ask citizens about their position in the case, not in order to obtain the desired response, thus emphasizing the departure from the monologue culture in favor of dialogue and communication with the public. The author claims that the normative foundations of the community state are linked by the conviction that public values and purposes are established in the communication process. In this approach, it is important to achieve public purposes and the quality of their achievement, its constructive features are: network, multi-level management, conciliation, participation. The basic mechanisms of action of this type of state are: deliberation, compromise and arrangements are made in the social networks – the dominant type of management of public affairs in this model is co-management. Solicitude of the state as a common good obliges not only a citizen, but means that a citizen has the right to expect that public authority will act so that the Republic of Poland can be considered a common good by citizens. Referring to literature, the author notes that deliberative democracy and its concept put more emphasis on the importance of conversation, discussion and debate on democratic practice than on the importance of voting. Its supporters argue that the debate improves the quality of collective decisions and increases the chances of their acceptance. Varieties of deliberative democracy range from accentuating local representation to reinforcing the debate within representative legislative bodies. The article points out the differences between discourse and deliberation. Moreover, the forms of civic participation and civic participation techniques used in Poland are presented. We have come to live in times when communication, both traditional and with the help of modern media, plays a significant role in shaping societies. It is important to understand the basic laws guiding communication, the ability to properly form interpersonal relationships, cognize the factors affecting the quality of messages transmitted, the technique of freedom of expression, the skill of persuasion and argumentation. The correct perception of the essence of dialogue in a deliberative democracy is its foundation, especially when it concerns institutions aimed at turning natural and legal persons to public decision-making process. Considering the literature, it was found that new participative solutions, primarily the ability to dialogue, could prevent a democratic deficit and also indicated that that civic participation impacts on the creation of deliberative democracy.
Artykuł jest próbą pokazania ewolucji i stanu społeczeństwa obywatelskiego w Polsce w ćwierć wieku po transformacji ustrojowej na podstawie najważniejszych badań zastanych oraz badań i obserwacji własnych. Nawiązuje też do obecnej w polskim dyskursie od połowy XIX w. do dziś tezy o trudnościach w budowie polskiego społeczeństwa obywatelskiego. Z przeprowadzonej analizy wynika, że Polacy rzeczywiście rzadziej stowarzyszają się nie tylko w porównaniu z obywatelami Europy Zachodniej, ale nawet w porównaniu z obywatelami innych krajów postkomunistycznych. Polską specyfiką jest wreszcie z jednej strony wielość rozmaitych stowarzyszeń, w tym także reprezentujących tzw. nowe ruchy społeczne, z drugiej zaś – ich kadrowy charakter. Przynależność do stowarzyszeń nie jest w Polsce masowa, nie jest elementem kultury politycznej społeczeństwa, lecz ma charakter elitarny. Media społecznościowe mogą ułatwić komunikowanie się i współdziałanie w sprawach publicznych, ale na razie rolę tę pełnią w niewielkim stopniu. ; This paper is an attempt to present the evolution and the condition of the civil society in Poland 25 years after the transformation of the political regime. The analysis is based on the existing results of earlier research and on the author's own studies and observations. It also refers to the discourse that has been going on in Poland since the middle of the nineteenth century on the difficulties in building a Polish civil society. As the analysis shows, Poles do indeed, affiliate much less frequently than citizens in West European states, or, even in comparison with citizens of other post-communist states. Another Polish specificity is that although there is a variety of organisations and associations, also representing followers of new social movements, most of them are elite in character. Membership in organisations does not have a mass character in Poland, nor is an element of political culture. Social networks may, eventually, facilitate communication and collaboration in social matters. Their role today, however, is negligible.
Discussed amendment of Civil Procedure Code has entered into force on 3 May 2012 and it is still very speculative. Polish Civil Procedure Code is an act of 17 November 1965 which regulates actions in civil cases. It has been changed many times up till now. The amendment from 3 May 2012 implements big change in enforcement proceedings. It is obvious that enforcement proceedings may be undertaken only by the legally entitled bodies. This kind of proceedings are essential for creditors. Execution must be short and effective to provide creditors protect them rights. In order to improve the service of civil courts many responsibilities are now imposed on court referendary. In addition, to improve the quality of the enforcement proceedings it was necessary to implement rise of fines. The Polish legislator implemented new institution astreinte which may force debtors to obey the executive law. The amendment introduces also new definition of executory entitlement, shorter terms for some of actions and many other changes in Polish civil procedure. Now, there is huge possibility that debtors would obey the law more successfully. Even if the amendment dated 16 September 2011 seems positive there are opinions that there were too many changes in Polish Civil Procedure Code yet. The doctrine postulate implementing new civil procedure code in order to guarantee legal certainty and stability. ; Na przestrzeni lat polski Kodeks postępowania cywilnego był poddawany licznym zmianom, którym zawdzięcza swój obecny kształt. Jedną z ważniejszych nowelizacji była ta, która weszła w życie z dniem 3 maja 2012 r. Jej źródłem była ustawa z dnia 16 września 2011 r. o zmianie ustawy – Kodeks postępowania cywilnego oraz niektórych innych ustaw. Wśród głównych założeń nowelizacji wymieniono: likwidację odrębnego postępowania gospodarczego, rozszerzenie dyskrecjonalnej władzy sędziego, udzielenie dodatkowych kompetencji referendarzom sądowym oraz wprowadzenie zmian w zakresie postępowania zabezpieczającego i egzekucyjnego. Niniejsze opracowanie koncentruje się głównie na zmianach dotyczących postępowania egzekucyjnego, które miały doprowadzić do usprawnienia i przyspieszenia postępowania egzekucyjnego. Szeroko omówiono również zwiększenie zakresu kompetencji referendarzy sądowych oraz zmiany w zakresie środków przymusu, z naciskiem na wprowadzenie nieznanego do tej pory środka w postaci tzw. astreinte oraz innych. W konkluzji autorka starała się dokonać oceny zmian wprowadzonych nowelizacją.
