Suchergebnisse

For the past decade, over 300 programs have been developed and implemented in the field of Homeland Security. Very few exist at the doctorate level. This article shares the trials and tribulations over the past five years to create such a degree. The authors share their experiences from proposal development, through University-level approval, state approval and regional accreditation. Also, this doctorate takes on a new moniker for Homeland Security - "Civil" Security and focuses on Leadership, Management and Policy for aspiring executive-level candidates and those preparing for academia.

La influencia de Internet en la sociedad actual sobrepasa cualquier referencia en la historia de lainformación. No se trata de una tendencia más, sino una nueva realidad, la Sociedad de la Información,con sus consecuentes repercusiones en lo político, económico y social. El artículo presentaun debate en donde se describen los aportes al tema del poder y sus implicaciones, y se abordala discusión acerca de la llamada Sociedad de la Información, en la cual se identifican las diferentesacepciones que se le han dado, dependiendo de las distintas posiciones e intereses a escalaglobal. Finaliza en el artículo con la idea de Sociedad Civil, que según la perspectiva con la cual sele mire puede ser solo el individuo soberano, para otros, un terreno ético político de construcción yprofundización de la democracia y para las tendencias autoritarias, una molestia que solo tienematices subversivos.

This article addresses one of the least studied aspects of the Spanish Civil War: The relationship between the Fifth Column and the diplomatic corps. Drawing on original documentation kept in a variety of archives, it reveals how often that relationship went beyond the limits of diplomatic activity and its humanitarian work. It also shows how a different diplomats, sometimes unknowingly, became contributors to the Francoist cause. Reference is also made to the way that behaviour hindered the Republican Government's interaction with a series of international emissaries. ; El presente trabajo aborda uno de los aspectos menos estudiados de la Guerra Civil española, como es la relación entre la quinta columna y el cuerpo diplomático. Sobre la base del estudio de la documentación original custodiada en distintos archivos, se pone de manifiesto cómo en muchas ocasiones esa relación traspasó los límites propios de la actividad diplomática y su labor humanitaria, convirtiendo a distintos diplomáticos en colaboradores, no siempre de manera consciente, de la causa franquista. Asimismo, se hace referencia a cómo tales actuaciones dificultaron las relaciones del Gobierno de la República con las distintas representaciones internacionales.

Who is the American bureaucracy's master in national government? At least three different sets of answers have been proposed. The first answer claims a single master of American bureaucracy, be it the president, Congress, or the courts. The second denies that there is any master over the bureaucracy and claims the existence of bureaucratic autonomy. In the middle of the two theories, there lies multiple masters theory. This dissertation attempts to advocate multiple masters theory by answering such questions as "Is the conception of multiple masters only theoretically conceivable, or is it historically supported?" or "Does the historical record suggest that multiple masters scheme was seriously in play in actual American constitutional dialogue?" To be a master, one should have at least one of the following powers - budget, personnel, information, and regulatory review. This dissertation focuses on one of them - the appointing power. To look at it historically, this dissertation chose four distinct periods of American history. They are the founding era, Jacksonian era, Republican era, and the Carter Administration. These eras were related to the four important civil service reform acts: the two Tenure of Office Acts of 1820 and 1867, Pendleton Act of 1883, and the CSRA of 1978. Congressional debates recorded in Congressional Record were analyzed to find evidences supporting multiple masters perspective. There were evidences that support the significant existence and role of the multiple masters perspective in all the four eras analyzed. Although weakened in the 1978 debate, the multiple masters theory was supported in important congressional debates by leading politicians of the day, providing historical foundation for the theory. The multiple masters perspective provides a need to construct a normative foundation for bureaucrats to adopt, because bureaucrats, in many cases, cannot avoid making decisions on which master to choose and which to ignore at a given time on a given issue. Under the multiple masters scheme, bureaucrats may have to play the role of balance wheel in the constitutional order, using their statutory powers and professional expertise to favor whichever constitutional masters need their help to preserve the purpose of the Constitution itself. ; Ph. D.

Achieving environmental justice in South Africa is critically important, not only because of historical reasons rooted in the country's apartheid past, but also to ensure that everyone in the country, especially marginalized and vulnerable sectors of society, are properly protected from disproportional environmental impacts. Another aim of environmental justice in South Africa is to ensure that everyone equally shares in the benefits of the country's resources. In this article, we interrogate ways through which to achieve environmental justice in South Africa through the use of civil-based instruments (CBIs) of environmental governance. The central hypothesis is that CBIs are particularly well-suited to contribute to the achievement of environmental justice since they are essentially instruments which empower civil society to become central stakeholders in environmental governance by fostering active participation in the decisions that may impact on the environment and people's health and well-being. Through these instruments all of society, particularly disenfranchised people suffering most from environmental injustice, are afforded a platform to pursue their environment-related interests that may be affected by the decisions taken by government and private actors such as polluting companies. For the purpose of the discussion we focus specifically on public participation, access to information and access to justice, all of which are generally accepted as CBIs, including in international law.

Achieving environmental justice in South Africa is critically important, not only because of historical reasons rooted in the country's apartheid past, but also to ensure that everyone in the country, especially marginalized and vulnerable sectors of society, are properly protected from disproportional environmental impacts. Another aim of environmental justice in South Africa is to ensure that everyone equally shares in the benefits of the country's resources. In this article, we interrogate ways through which to achieve environmental justice in South Africa through the use of civil-based instruments (CBIs) of environmental governance. The central hypothesis is that CBIs are particularly well-suited to contribute to the achievement of environmental justice since they are essentially instruments which empower civil society to become central stakeholders in environmental governance by fostering active participation in the decisions that may impact on the environment and people's health and well-being. Through these instruments all of society, particularly disenfranchised people suffering most from environmental injustice, are afforded a platform to pursue their environment-related interests that may be affected by the decisions taken by government and private actors such as polluting companies. For the purpose of the discussion we focus specifically on public participation, access to information and access to justice, all of which are generally accepted as CBIs, including in international law.

Civil war inevitably causes shifts in state boundaries, demographics, systems of rule, and the bases of legitimate authority-many of the markers of national identity. Yet a shared sense of nationhood is as important to political reconciliation as the reconstruction of state institutions and economic security. After Civil War compares reconstruction projects in Bosnia, Cyprus, Finland, Greece, Kosovo, Northern Ireland, the Republic of Ireland, Spain, and Turkey in order to explore how former combatants and their supporters learn to coexist as one nation in the aftermath of ethnopolitical or ideological violence. After Civil War synthesizes research on civil wars, reconstruction, and nationalism to show how national identity is reconstructed over time in different cultural and socioeconomic contexts, in strong nation-states as well as those with a high level of international intervention. Chapters written by anthropologists, historians, political scientists, and sociologists examine the relationships between reconstruction and reconciliation, the development of new party systems after war, and how globalization affects the processes of peacebuilding. After Civil War thus provides a comprehensive, comparative perspective to a wide span of recent political history, showing postconflict articulations of national identity can emerge in the long run within conducive institutional contexts. (University of Pennsylvania Press)

The literature on civil wars has recently turned towards their international context but lacks an account for how conflict beyond a state's borders contributes to civil war onset. I argue that interstate rivalries can increase the risk of civil war in other states when rivals come to associate the foreign-policy orientation of other states with their own security. I present three pathways through which rivals increase the risk of civil war in other states. First, competition between rivals creates a ratchet effect by which the prospect of one's involvement in a conflict makes it more likely that the other becomes involved. This dynamic makes support easier to secure and lowers the expected costs of war for governments and opposition groups. Second, rivals encourage domestic polarization as parties attempt to capture their influence, making domestic conflicts more intractable. Third, uncertainty over the potential for intervention by rivals increases the risk of miscalculation. I test the implications of the theory with novel spatial measures of interstate conflict and rivalry. Using logistic regressions and random forests, I find that being in the neighborhood of interstate rivals can increase a state's risk of civil war.

The Global Call to Action against Poverty (GCAP) is world's largest civil society movement fighting against poverty and inequality, incorporating over 100 affiliated country-level coalitions. It has become a significant global actor and its annual days of mobilisation now attract over 175 million people around the world. This book seeks to explore GCAP's power and its embodiment of emancipatory change. It develops a framework that assesses its external power as an actor by exploring how power works in it, and the relationship between the two. Gabay demonstrates that GCAP, and.