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Includes blank, ruled pages for personal memoirs. ; Mode of access: Internet.

Volltext // 2012 digitalisiert von: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München. Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Germ.sp. 456 l-1828

Volltext // 2012 digitalisiert von: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München. Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Germ.sp. 456 l-1826

Volltext // 2012 digitalisiert von: Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, München. Exemplar mit der Signatur: München, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek -- Germ.sp. 456 l-1823

The Greek Civil War of 1946-1949 divided the Greek society into allies of the monarchy and supporters of the Communist Party of the Greece-led Transitional Democratic Government of Free Greece. The military arm of the leftist center was the Democratic Army of Greece. Until some time, the communist forces were actively supported by the countries of the Eastern Bloc: Albania, Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia, and Romania. However, the Stalin-Tito conflict, which intensified from 1948 onwards, contributed to the defeat of the Democratic Army of Greece, caused by the overwhelming military advantage of the monarchist forces. In mid-1949, a decision was made to evacuate partisan units and the civilian population that had been under their control to Albania. Also, Poland, a country that suffered greatly as a result of World War II, helped Greece. First, by providing food, military and medical equipment, and later by accepting over 13,000 children and adults, fighters and civilians from the areas covered by the war, all terribly tired of war and wandering. The group of migrants was organized from scratch, provided medical and social care, work, education, and access to culture. Migrations of people in search of shelter from conflicts, persecution, and poverty are not only a contemporary problem of the European Union. This article presents the reforms initiated by the government of the Polish People's Republic as a result of the escalation of the crisis in the Balkans. In Poland refugees from Greece found completely new living, civilization, cultural, geographical, and economic conditions. Gradually, they managed to settle in this foreign country. Today many of them are grateful to Poland for their help.

Global Civil Society 2011 combines activist and academic accounts of contemporary struggles to promote, negotiate and deliver justice in a global frame without a central authority. In their engagement with cultural diversity and their networked communication the contributors rethink and remake justice beyond the confines of the nation state.

Civil war is perhaps the most catastrophic event that can befall a country, and yet the long-term political consequences it has on the states and societies that survive such conflicts are not well understood. Focusing on the case of Lebanon, this dissertation seeks to explain why different geographic regions within the same post-war country often embark on divergent political trajectories. In some regions, former warlords and armed groups are able to successfully establish regional hegemonic party systems where meaningful competition is severely limited. In contrast, there are other regions where elections are meaningfully competitive. Why is this so? I argue that the interaction between local-level differences in wartime experiences of territorial control and the macro-level outcome of the conflict jointly shape post-war politics. The consolidation of control over territory and populations requires the building, appropriating, and restructuring of local political networks. Armed groups that do this successfully provide for themselves the raw materials for the creation of a post-war political machine. Other areas, whether fragmented or contested, have overlapping and competing political networks that contain in them the seeds for post-war political competition. Whether a wartime legacy of territorial consolidation can be transformed into post-war regional party hegemony hinges on a second important factor–the outcome of the war. The terms of the peace agreement determine whether territorial control can be made useful in the post-war era. If a particular armed group is a beneficiary of the war's peace agreement, its leaders are then able to use the resources of the state to transform their local networks into a regionally hegemonic party. If an armed group is militarily defeated or politically marginalized at the end of the war, repression and a lack of resources prevent this transition. Beneficiary groups may succeed in extending their control into some of these losing group areas, particularly where they have latent networks or a critical mass of supporters. The first empirical part of the dissertation uses an over-time comparison of the eastern and southern suburbs of Beirut to understand how territorial control and the displacement that often comes with territorial consolidation reshape local political networks and post- war local politics. I analyze transcripts from a set of thirty in-depth interviews with local elites and residents in both suburbs. In both areas, incoming displaced persons, due to their vulnerability, were more likely to become imbedded in the political networks of armed groups. In contrast, "original" residents of the area who were never displaced continued to be more connected to traditional local familial elites that were prominent in the pre-war era. Although both areas followed similar pre-war and wartime trajectories, the outcome of the war affected them very differently. The group controlling the southern suburbs was a beneficiary of the war's final outcome and remained in total control of the suburb's local politics in the post-war era. The group controlling the eastern suburbs was militarily defeated. The political vacuum created an opportunity for pre-war elites to reemerge and produced a pluralistic post-war political life. Lastly, the power of each type of elite's core constituency corresponds to that of its patrons. The displaced "new" residents are more empowered in the southern suburbs and the "original" residents more empowered in the eastern suburbs. The second empirical part of the dissertation provides a national-level quantitative test of the argument's implications for post-war elections–both their results and their competitiveness. This test relies on originally-compiled data from Lebanon's five post-war parliamentary elections. I use digitized maps of territorial control in the last phase of the war and each major armed group's position in the outcome of the war to classify all of Lebanon's districts as fragmented territories, beneficiary group territories, losing group territories that are directly controlled by beneficiaries, and losing group territories that are only indirectly contained by beneficiaries. I demonstrate that fragmented territories and losing group territories that beneficiaries indirectly contain have competitive elections and elect a mixture of candidates to parliament–including many pre-war traditional elites and new parties without martial backgrounds. In beneficiary group territories and losing group territories where a beneficiary has taken direct control, elections are uncompetitive and the candidates affiliated with the ruling group always win. In sum, my dissertation illuminates the profound effects that civil war can have on the nature and composition of a country's political elite. When warlords become politicians, this has long-lasting impacts on the prospects for competitive and accountable local and national post-war elections.

En el presente artículo, para poder tener un mejor entendimiento del trabajo, la autora divide su trabajo en nueve puntos. En el primero, desarrolla los antecedentes históricos. El segundo estudia la etimología de la palabra concubinato. El tercer punto muestra los diferentes conceptos que encontramos en la doctrina nacional y extranjero sobre el concepto del concubinato. En el cuarto estudia los elementos subjetivo y objetivo del concubinato. En el quinto se enuncian las clases del concubinato. En el sexto se estudia las opiniones, alcances, y análisis de la doctrina y la legislación del concubinato. En el sétimo punto se estudian los presupuestos legales que exige la ley para garantizar la unión concubinaria. En el octavo punto se examina lo referente a la prueba del concubinato. Y en el noveno punto, se enumeran y analizan las causas de fenecimiento del concubinato. ; The author develops seven different parts. Regarding the first, she writes about the historical background. The second refers to the etymology of the word CONCUBINISM. Part 3 gathers national and international definitions of the word CONCUBINISM. In Part 4 there is a description of the subjective and objective elements of the CONCUBINISM. The fifth part mentions the sorts of CONCUBINISM. The sixth part gives a reference about opinions, outcome and analysisof the doctrine and legislation of CONCUBINISM. Part 8 deals with the proof of CONCUBINISM. And finally Part 9 numbers and analyses the reasons why the CONCUBINISM ends.

Despite civil war violence, some civilians stay in their communities. Those who leave choose one of many possible destinations. Drawing on fieldwork in Colombia, this article argues that the way armed groups target civilians explains households' decisions about displacement. When groups of civilians are targeted based on a shared characteristic — `collective' targeting — their best options for avoiding violence differ from those targeted selectively or indiscriminately. This article outlines conditions under which people can stay in contexts of collective targeting, and where they are likely to go if these conditions are not met. A civilian facing collective targeting could move to a rival group's stronghold, cluster with others similarly targeted, or seek anonymity in a city or different region. Community characteristics, such as whether it is urban or rural, as well as macro characteristics of the war, such as whether or not there is an ascriptive cleavage, shape which decisions are relatively safest, which in turn leads to implications for aggregate patterns. For example, clustering together has a perverse effect: even though hiding among others with similar characteristics may reduce an individual's likelihood of suffering direct violence, the community may be more endangered as it is perceived to be affiliated with an armed group. This then leads to a cycle of collective targeting and displacement, which has important implications for the development of warfare. In turn, this cycle and related cleavage formation may have long-term impacts on postwar stability and politics.