Based on a two-year project launched by the Journal. Its goal was to engage students, faculty, and all members of the wider Osgoode and professional communities in an ongoing discussion about the nature and limits of law, seen through the lens of civil disobedient conduct in a legal polity that had developed mature democratic and civil liberty enhancing institutions. To this end, a variety of panels, seminars, and lectures were organized, beginning in the Fall of 2001. They were interpellated into the law school's curriculum. A culminating event was a conference in the Fall of 2002, to which a select number of scholars, professionals, and activists were invited. The contributions in this collection were generated from this project's activities.
Civil wars are intricate social, political and psychological phenomena. However, economics can offer analytical insights which are useful alongside the more conventional approach of case-studies. Indeed, the policy conclusions drawn from economic analysis sometimes cast doubt on conventional advice. The use of economic theory and statistical evidence help to guard against excessive generalization from individual civil wars that inevitably suffer from both a surfeit of possible explanations and advocacy. Rigorous empirical study of civil war requires a precise definition of an imprecise and poorly observed phenomenon, a process that provides considerable room for legitimate disagreement. Hence, we begin by discussing the choices made in constructing the major data sets that describe the duration and severity of civil wars. Ideological, religious or ethnic differences are conventionally regarded as the causes of civil war. Economic theory explains civil war in the framework of incentives and constraints rather than ideologies or identities. This framework enables economists to analyse the distinctive feature of civil war: the emergence and persistence of a rebel army: some conditions make rebellion both more attractive and more feasible than others. Consistent with this emphasis on incentives and constraints, statistical studies suggest that economic characteristics, notably the level, growth and structure of income, are important influences on the risk of war. In addition to the explanation of the initiation and duration of civil wars, economic methods can also generate estimates of their costs and consequences. This is an essential step towards the cost-benefit analysis of policy interventions.
Most nations have experienced an internal armed conflict since 1960. Yet while civil war is central to many nations' development, it has stood at the periphery of economics research and teaching. The past decade has witnessed a long overdue explosion of research into war's causes and consequences. We summarize progress, identify weaknesses, and chart a path forward. Why war? Existing theory is provocative but incomplete, omitting advances in behavioral economics and making little progress in key areas, like why armed groups form and cohere, or how more than two armed sides compete. Empirical work finds that low per capita incomes and slow economic growth are both robustly linked to civil war. Yet there is little consensus on the most effective policies to avert conflicts or promote postwar recovery. Cross-country analysis of war will benefit from more attention to causal identification and stronger links to theory. We argue that micro-level analysis and case studies are also crucial to decipher war's causes, conduct, and consequences. We bring a growth theoretic approach to the study of conflict consequences to highlight areas for research, most of all the study of war's impact on institutions. We conclude with a plea for new and better data.
Este artículo analiza y describe la relación entre noviolencia y desobediencia civil, destacando que las dos figuras convergen en la misma fundamentación ética y que son expresión de la relación del ciudadano con el poder político. Inicia con una presentación de la noviolencia desde la obra de Mahatma Gandhi, para luego conceptualizarla como un pensamiento político, tanto en su epistemología como en su acción. Finalmente, establece una conexión entre noviolencia y desobediencia civil que trasciende la relación puramente instrumental con que usualmente se identifica el vínculo entre estas dos figuras. De esta manera, más allá de sus diferencias, ambas figuras se encuentran en lo fundamental, esto es, en los principios éticos que las soportan y que las legitiman como acción y expresión política. ; Este artigo analisa e descreve a relação entre não-violência e desobediência civil, destacando que as duas figuras convergem na mesma fundamentação ética e que são expressão da relação do cidadão com o poder político. Inicia com uma apresentação da não-violência desde a obra de Mahatma Gandhi, para depois conceptualizá-la como um pensamento político, tanto em sua epistemologia quanto em sua ação. Finalmente, estabelece uma conexão entre não-violência e desobediência civil que transcende a relação puramente instrumental com que usualmente se identifica o vínculo entre estas duas figuras. Desta maneira, além de suas diferenças, ambas as figuras se encontram no fundamental, isto é, nos princípios éticos que as suportam e que as legitimam como ação e expressão política. ; This paper analyzes and describes the relationship between nonviolence and civil disobedience, stressing that both of them converge on the same ethical foundation and are an expression of the relationship between citizens and the political power. The paper begins with a presentation of nonviolence Mahatma Gandhi´s work, and continues then conceptualizing nonviolence as a political thought, with a epistemology and an action. Finally, traces a connection between nonviolence and civil disobedience that goes beyond the purely instrumental relationship that usually identifies the link between these. Thus, beyond their differences both nonviolence and civil desobedience, concur in essence, that is, in the ethical principles that support and legitimize them as actions and political expressions.
Nearly two decades have passed since the events of the WTO's Seattle Ministerial marked civil society as relevant to global trade politics. Despite this, and as the chapter explains, there remains significant ambiguity as to what is meant by the term 'civil society'. That civil society matters in global trade governance needs to be understood in terms of two inter-related questions: how the WTO Secretariat, and other institutional actors, give recognition to certain groups and individuals; and, why it is that the actors described as 'civil society' seek to contest a governance domain often seemingly closed to their demands.
In my research I decided to examine the characteristic features of management in civil organizations. In this context, I touched upon the conflict conditions of these structures. When examining conflicts, I had the assumption that in case of an organization with such a widespread network of connections and so many interactions, many sources of conflicts can be identified. An examination of the conflict, because I considered important, since it seemed that these organisations operate at a high level of conflict. In civil activities and in society it often occurs that the participants give different responses to a given issue. The civil interpretation conveys the concept of diversity and different opinions. Even the existence of these organizations expresses disagreement. Thus, they convey conflicts in themselves since they often get into conflicts even with the state powers. These results show that the examined civil organizations have hardly any conflicts. The goal of my examination conflicts was to explore how strong the conflicts are between civil organizations and the participants of their system of relations. I examined which participants get into conflicts and the analysis of the entire sample shows that conflicts are not really characteristic of civil organizations. If conflicts happen to develop, they mainly develop between the civil organizations and the members, the civil society and the supervising organizations. However, the implementation of tasks causes interaction in each type of organizations and interactions generate conflicts. Thus, the low level of conflicts means a low level of activity. Based on the results of conflict examinations, I concluded that the rate of conflicts can be used as a parameter of civil activity in certain cases.
Civil society with developed economic, cultural, legal and political relations, independent of the state, but to interact with it, the society of citizens of high social, political, cultural and moral status, creating together with the state of development of legal relations.
After the end of the Cold War, the notion of civil society has become part of the scientific discourse, the media discourse as well as the discourse of international organizations. And it has done so despite having different meanings. Indeed, the concept of civil society may refer to the actor of a protest, the project of a mobilization, the open up of a political system dealing with a problem of representation. In other cases, it may also refer to political actors, socio-economic agents, associations or labour unions. In any case, it appears as an ambiguous concept, plural and poorly defined. The aim of this article is to highlight the long historical course of this notion, from the former times and its link to civilization, the modern times and its perceptions as a counter-power, to the contemporary period in which this notion is identified with the third sector. Nowadays, civil society is related to problems of citizenship, citizen participation and public space. Lastly, it poses a fundamental question in all continents, as a consequence of the new information and communication technologies and the globalization of commercial exchanges: is there an international civil society? ; Desde el final de la guerra fría, la noción de sociedad civil se ha impuesto tanto en el discurso científico, como en el relato mediático y los textos de los organismos internacionales, a pesar de tener diferentes significados. Efectivamente, el concepto de sociedad civil puede representar el actor de una protesta, el proyecto de una movilización, la apertura de un sistema político enfrentado a un problema de representatividad o referirse a actores políticos, agentes socioeconómicos, asociaciones o centrales sindicales. En todo caso, aparece como un concepto ambiguo, plural y mal definido. El objetivo de este artículo es poner de manifiesto la larga trayectoria de esta noción, desde la antigüedad y su asociación a la civilización, hasta el periodo contemporáneo con su identificación con el tercer sector, pasando por al época moderna y su percepción como contra-poder. Hoy en día, la sociedad civil plantea problemas de ciudadanía, de participación ciudadana y de espacio público, sin olvidar la pregunta que se formula en todos los continentes como consecuencia de las nuevas tecnologías de la información y la comunicación y de la mundialización de los intercambios comerciales: ¿existe una sociedad civil internacional?
Introduction to the file of Italian Laboratory No 22 ; International audience ; Introduction to the file of Italian Laboratory No 22 ; Introduction au dossier du n°22 de Laboratoire italien
This article discusses the experience of civil society and social movements inCentral and Eastern Europe both before and after the events of 1989. It showshow the different paths to the development of "civil society" as an organisingconcept in the pre-1989 period impacted on experiences after that date, and relates this to broader theoretical debates on the concept. In particular, it argues that the movements of "un-civil society" often fulfil a more substantial political role than the NGOs of "civil society", for a range of reasons. Thearticle draws on a series of interviews conducted with "alter-globalisation" activists in the region
This essay argues that there is a need to decolonize the genealogy of civil war. David Armitage's new book brilliantly reveals civil war's generative power in shaping European and North American conceptions of politics, revolution, and the laws of war. But to make sense of the discourse of civil war we also need to account for the constitutive exclusions of those whose struggles elite Europeans refused to recognize as "civil," those not recognized as part of a common brotherhood or as co-belligerents. The absence/ presence of women, slaves, and barbarous armies is vital to the historical conception of civil war.
Este artículo está dirigido a definir la locución 'desobediencia civil'. Primeramente traza una breve historia de la desobediencia civil para, a continuación, desarrollar la problemática teórica que ésta entraña con relación al deber de obediencia al Derecho y la organización institucional del disenso en las democracias liberales. Palabras clave : Deber de obediencia al Derecho, democracia, disenso. Abstract: This paper is aimed to define the term 'civil disobedience'. The paper traces firstly a brief history of civil disobedience. Thenceforth, it develops the theoretical issues that civil disobedience raises regarding the duty of obedience to law and the institutional organization of dissent in liberal democracies. Keywords: Duty to obey law, democracy, dissent.
In 1980 the Supreme Court of Florida adopted comprehensive amendments to the Florida Rules of Civil Procedure. The author critically examines these amendments and discusses their probable impact on civil practice in Florida. The author also surveys and discusses the 1980 legislation and court decisions that have affected or construed the unamended rules.