Suchergebnisse

Explores the relations between the US and France during the 1940s. Examines military and foreign policy issues. J. Stanton

"In den vergangenen Jahren ist es nachweislich zum Anstieg von Katastrophen gekommen, und dieser Trend wird - auch aufgrund der Auswirkungen des Klimawandels - anhalten. Es stellt sich daher die Frage, was in derartigen Fällen seitens der Vereinten Nationen, der Europäischen Union oder der NATO an Kräften und Mitteln (Military and Civil Defense Assets - MCDA) aufgebracht und eingesetzt werden kann. Oft wird in diesem Zusammenhang auch der Begriff 'Civil and Military Cooperation' (CIMIC) bzw. Civil Military Coordination (CMCoord) erwähnt, wobei man international unter 'UN-CMCoord' die Internationale Humanitäre Hilfe und die Internationale Katastrophenhilfe versteht, die jeweils auf die humanitäre Situation vor Ort ausgerichtet ist, wohingegen man z.B. im Rahmen von 'NATO-CIMIC' auf die Erreichung eines militärischen Zieles ausgerichtet ist. Betrachtet man den Katastrophenbereich im Gesamten, kann festgestellt werden, dass in den meisten Staaten Europas diese Aufgabe durch die Innenministerien abgedeckt wird; z.B. ist in Süd- und Osteuropa nur in Slowenien das Verteidigungsministerium zuständig. Die militärischen Elemente gelangen nur auf Ersuchen freiwillig zum Einsatz. Es gibt zwar verschiedene Datenbanken bei den Vereinten Nationen, der Europäischen Union und der NATO, einen länderübergreifenden militärischen Katastrophenschutz bzw. Katastrophenschutzkooperationen gibt es in Europa aber nicht. International zielt nun die 2010 initiierte HOPEFOR-Initiative (GA Res 65/307) zur Verbesserung der Wirksamkeit und Koordinierung von Militär- und Zivilschutzmitteln für die Bewältigung von Naturkatastrophen auf die Errichtung regionaler Zentren (Centers of Excellence - CoE) für gemeinsame Ausbildung und Training von zivilen und militärischen Kräften, aber auch auf die Kooperation bei Einsätzen in der Region ab. Interessant wird, welche Staaten sich (gemeinsam) für die Errichtung eines derartigen, überwiegend zivil geführten Zentrums in Europa interessieren und es verwirklichen werden. Gerade für kleinere Staaten in Europa könnte der gemeinsame Aufbau eines CoE (z.B. für die Region Zentral-, Süd- und Osteuropa) die Möglichkeit bieten, Kooperationen zu errichten und sich gegenseitig auf Einsätze vorzubereiten bzw. einander bei Einsätzen zu unterstützen und zu stärken. In Bulgarien gibt es bereits Überlegungen zum Aufbau eines militärischen CoE." (Autorenreferat)

The chapter examines the political, bureaucratic, & foreign-policy influence of the military in post-Zia Pakistan. A historical analysis considers the Pakistan army's role & function from the Partition through the successive regimes of Ayub, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Zia, Benazir Bhutto, & Sharif, as well as the foreign policy issues arising from the Cold war, the Kashmir dispute, & the Afghan situation. The 1999 coup that placed Musharraf in charge does not necessarily indicate a wholesale triumph of military power over civilian government, given post-Cold War diplomatic & economic pressures on Pakistan to resume democratic development. K. Coddon

An analysis of intrastate violence focuses on events that led to the outbreak of civil war in Sri Lanka. Varied definitions of war are discussed, noting differences between a state of war & actual warfare. Special attention is given to the turning point when violence begins to be used regularly in an effort to solve conflict. Conflicts involving Sri Lanka's two main populations (Sinhala & Tamil) during the early years of independence are examined, along with their political consequences & shifts in Sinhala-Tamil relations. It is contended that the escalation of violence involved choices by the main actors that aggravated the situation. Although the anti-Tamil pogrom of 1983 is often considered the moment civil struggle became civil war, it is argued that overestimating the impact of that event prevents understanding the chain of violent & nonviolent historical events that created the process of escalation that led to civil war. The stages in that process are described as differences in culture; differences in interest; tension; conflict; irregular eruptions of violence; & civil war. 3 Figures, 34 References. J. Lindroth

An analysis of intrastate violence focuses on events that led to the outbreak of civil war in Sri Lanka. Varied definitions of war are discussed, noting differences between a state of war & actual warfare. Special attention is given to the turning point when violence begins to be used regularly in an effort to solve conflict. Conflicts involving Sri Lanka's two main populations (Sinhala & Tamil) during the early years of independence are examined, along with their political consequences & shifts in Sinhala-Tamil relations. It is contended that the escalation of violence involved choices by the main actors that aggravated the situation. Although the anti-Tamil pogrom of 1983 is often considered the moment civil struggle became civil war, it is argued that overestimating the impact of that event prevents understanding the chain of violent & nonviolent historical events that created the process of escalation that led to civil war. The stages in that process are described as differences in culture; differences in interest; tension; conflict; irregular eruptions of violence; & civil war. 3 Figures, 34 References. J. Lindroth

Am Beispiel Afghanistan problematisiert der Verfasser das prinzipiell notwendige, konzeptionell und praktisch aber auch reibungsträchtige Zusammenspiel militärischer und ziviler Aufbaukräfte in Post-Konflikt-Regionen. Insbesondere die Zwischenstellung der Civil-Military Cooperation (CIMIC) zwischen militärischem Auftrag und zivilen Anforderungen führt demnach immer wieder zu immanenten Widersprüchen. Aber auch unterschiedliche Organisationskulturen und wechselseitige Berührungsängste stehen einer optimierten Zusammenarbeit entgegen. Der Verfasser plädiert hier für eine stärkere Trennung militärischer und ziviler Komponenten. (ICE2)

In an examination of US nuclear & conventional bombing strategies in the Northeast Asia, the author argues that the new type of "exterminist" warfare inaugurated by Hiroshima & Nagasaki makes moot all discussion of Augustinan just war theory, or Clausewitzian "total war." A fictional narrative of Los Angeles under attack parallels the "black wind" & "black rains" suffered by civilians in Hiroshima & Nagasaki, & the US threats of nuclear bombs in the Korean theater. Despite findings that show attacks against civilians only stiffen resistance, the US bombings of dams & cities in Korea were used as psychological warfare. The establishment of nuclear diplomacy in Korea is described from the perspective of US positioning of weaponry in South Korea, & related to US Cold War & post 9/11 policies. The main nuclear threat in Korea is concluded to have been the US, & an assessment of morality in warfare is argued to begin with President Truman's culpability in yielding to the passions of war. J. Harwell

Pakistan's dysfunctional social structure has prevented the institutionalization of viable economic policy. This chapter looks at the effects of continual conflict, shadow privatization, & the distortion of ideologies to illustrate the obstacles that inhibit economic development. The chapter also examines Pakistan's economy & its position in the international environment. The country's recent economic situation is reviewed, & a scenario is presented in which Pakistan's civil society could prosper. The chapter also looks at international relations, the causes for Pakistan's economic deterioration, & the problems associated with the rise of civil (or "uncivil") society in Pakistan. K. Larsen

Pakistan's dysfunctional social structure has prevented the institutionalization of viable economic policy. This chapter looks at the effects of continual conflict, shadow privatization, & the distortion of ideologies to illustrate the obstacles that inhibit economic development. The chapter also examines Pakistan's economy & its position in the international environment. The country's recent economic situation is reviewed, & a scenario is presented in which Pakistan's civil society could prosper. The chapter also looks at international relations, the causes for Pakistan's economic deterioration, & the problems associated with the rise of civil (or "uncivil") society in Pakistan. K. Larsen

It is contended that, in the post-Cold War period, wars are disproportionately civil vs interstate in nature, last longer & are much more destructive than in the past, & invariably involve the US & an asymmetric use of force. The majority of civil wars take place in poor Third World countries (& leave them even more impoverished), but cannot be explained solely (or even primarily) in terms of ethnic conflicts. Statistical data on war in OECD vs non-OECD countries are used to map the geographic distribution of armed conflicts since 1946 & to correlate it with UN data on human development. Evidence is presented to demonstrate the unilateralist policy of the US to create a hegemonic new world order of its own design & its use of enormous military expenditures to accomplish this; the notion of "risk-transfer war" is explicated. Figures, References. K. Hyatt Stewart

The objectives of the principal actors responsible for the preservation of status quo Chinese-Taiwanese relations & the likelihood that status quo relations will persevere are investigated. It is contended that developments in the conception of Taiwanese identity & national political culture have prompted the Taiwanese government to drop its early 1990s support of a "one China" policy & increasingly advocate sovereignty for Taiwan. After addressing the Chinese state's military-oriented strategy to preventing Taiwanese independence, the extent of bilateral economic integration & the ramifications of this growing economic dependence for both the Chinese & Taiwanese governments are contemplated. Attention is then turned toward exploring the US's role in cross-Taiwan Strait relations & the international community's response to the one China policy. The potential effects of these respective determinants upon maintaining status quo cross-strait relations are subsequently considered; for example, it is predicted that Chinese-Taiwanese economic integration will positively affect bilateral political relations & that the US will continue to promote a one China policy barring military action from the Chinese state. References. J. W. Parker

Skjelsbaek & Smith blame ignorance of gender differences in the social sciences for male domination of human norms' representation. Studies of international relations are said to lag behind fields such as anthropology & sociology in acknowledging & rectifying this discrepancy. It is suggested that examining gender's relation to previously male-dominated subjects may yield fresh insight on women's feelings & roles regarding war & politics. There is a review of modern armed conflicts & of civilian victimization. Forms of wartime intimidation & torture of women are considered. Statistical data are provided on female military participation in 1998 in 26 countries. The goal of this volume is to promote new perspectives on women & public policies by detailing & assessing views on & results of women's participation in political decision making & conflict resolution. 1 Table. M. C. Leary

Six months after the September 11, 2001, attack on the US, there is a pressing need to end the draconian curtailment of civil liberties in the US that is sure to increase as hate against the US builds due to US military action abroad. Anti-terror laws & restrictions are reviewed, eg, the treatment of suspected terrorists by military tribunals, the establishment of the Office of Homeland Security, racial profiling & the arrests of Middle Eastern men, wiretapping, & expansion of FBI & CIA powers. These new laws erode the US system of checks & balances & breed xenophobia & anti-immigrant sentiment. M. Pflum

Six months after the September 11, 2001, attack on the US, there is a pressing need to end the draconian curtailment of civil liberties in the US that is sure to increase as hate against the US builds due to US military action abroad. Anti-terror laws & restrictions are reviewed, eg, the treatment of suspected terrorists by military tribunals, the establishment of the Office of Homeland Security, racial profiling & the arrests of Middle Eastern men, wiretapping, & expansion of FBI & CIA powers. These new laws erode the US system of checks & balances & breed xenophobia & anti-immigrant sentiment. M. Pflum

Explores changes in Russian-Western relations since 11 September 2001. Russia's relations with Europe & the US are traced since the collapse of the Soviet Union, noting Russia's evolution from pro-American foreign policy, through a period of disappointment, to a phase of mutual mistrust. In spite of a consensus among the Russian political elite to give moral & political support to the US after 9/11, there was opposition to military cooperation. Reasons for President Putin's decision to provide military support in Afghanistan are examined, noting it was partly based on difficulties Russia faced because of Islamist extremists, especially in Chechnya. Prerequisites for a broad international antiterrorist coalition are discussed, along with feelings among Russians & Europeans that the US is not truly interested in multilateralism; problems involved in Russia's relations with the European Union & the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, especially in regard to democratization; & the impact of "anti-terrorist" cooperation on Russia's domestic situation. It remains unknown whether closer Russian-Western relations will result in greater differences or a real partnership. J. Lindroth