Absicht des vorliegenden Arbeitspapieres ist es, die Entwicklung des zivil-militärischen Verhältnisses in Deutschland in der zweiten Hälfte des 20sten Jahrhunderts zu skizzieren und den gegenwärtigen und vielleicht auch absehbaren Zustand dieses Verhältnisses zu bestimmen. Zuvor werden jedoch nationale wie internationale Veränderungsprozesse in ihrer Auswirkung auf das Militär dargelegt, um so den Kontext für die neuerliche Turbulenz im zivilmilitärischen Verhältnis einzufangen.(
The idea of democratic rule requires that democratically elected civilian government should have effective authority over the army. The role of national army is purely for defence. Army's direct involvement in politics will undermine its capability to cope with external threats. Indonesia is an example where the army was deeply involved in the country's political affairs. This article shows that Indonesian national army has already possessed political orientation since the beginning of Indonesia's independence. Military and political functions performed by the Indonesian army during revolutionary war has been influential factor in shaping army's doctrine and self-perception of his role as not only the guardian of the state but also political force of the country. The weakness of civilian institutions, elite conflicts and national culture especially Javanese tradition has contributted as well to this situation. The role of Indonesian army in politics has gradually decreased since the reform of Indonesia's political system initiated in 1998.
TNI Manunggal Membangun Desa (TMMD) is one form of military operations other than war as regulated in Law Number 34 of 2004 concerning the ability of the Indonesian National Army (TNI) to assist local government tasks in development. It is a collaborative activity between the regional commando unit at the district level (Kodim), where the implementation process fulfils the basic elements in management. The formulation of the problem in this research is how the basic management process in the implementation of TMMD Sengkuyung Phase 3 Kodim 0707/Wonosobo and how the development of state defense awareness can be carried out through these activities. The purpose of this research is to explain how the basic management process in the implementation of TMMD Sengkuyung Phase III Kodim 0707/Wonosobo and find out what activities are carried out through TMMD Sengkuyung Phase III for the Year 2021 Kodim 0707/Wonosobo in order to increase awareness of defending the state. The method used in this study is a qualitative research method where the basic theory of management testing will be carried out on the phenomenon that occurs, namely the process of implementing TMMD Sengkuyung as an effort to increase awareness of defending the country.
The frequency, scope and intensity of natural disasters are increasing, and so too are the number of victims, related deaths and the amount of economic damage. The increasing frequency of disasters often overwhelms civilian management structures and demands the engagement of the military. This has generated new problems and controversies. However, mainstream scholarship in this field has so far failed adequately to address civil-military relations in disaster management. This article highlights the issue and addresses the various arguments used to advocate or reject military involvement in disaster management: militarisation, utilitarian, security-strategic, functional-humanitarian and rejection-isolation arguments. This epistemological and ontological approach identifies, depicts and classifies the arguments. It also identifies the various controversies that accompany military engagement in disaster management as a basis for future research into civil-military relations in the field.
The Center for Civil-Military Relations at the Naval Post-Graduate School (CCMR, Monterey, CA) is an implementing organization of the U.S. Department of Defense's Expanded-International Military Education and Training Program and has amassed both scholarly and practical expertise educating civilian and military defense professionals from more than 40 countries. CCMR was established in 1994 and is sponsored by the Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA). CCMR conducts civil-military relations programs designed primarily for military officers, civilian officials, legislators, and non-government personnel. These programs include courses designed to be taught both in residence at NPS and in a Mobile Education Team (MET) format, depending upon requirements. Three programs offered by CCMR include the MET, the Masters Degree in International Security and Civil-Military Relations, and the Executive Program in Civil-Military Relations. ; The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) sponsored the research in this report under agreement AEP-A-00-98-00014-00, which established the Partnership for Democratic Governance and Society. The Partnership for Democratic Governance and Society (PDGS) conducts programs to strengthen the capacity of civilians to provide leadership in defense management, policymaking and analysis. The PDGS conducts its programs in cooperation with local legislatures, political parties, civic organizations, academic institutions, media and the civilian elements of the defense establishment. ; Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited.
In 1957, at the height of the post-Stalin struggle for political power in the Soviet Union, Allen Dulles suggested that the Soviet military officers were participating in the selection of a new national leader and that they might even seize power themselves and establish their own type of dictatorship.
This report is concerned with Danish civil-military cooperation in southern Iraq from the deployment of a Danish batallion in 2003 until its withdrawal in 2007. Apart from the general problem of strategic development, the report finds that the operationalization and realistic benchmarking of strategic objectives was a weak point in the civil-military approach. At the international level the operation points to the importance and problems shared by pre-mission civil-military planning and knowledge, as well as the extent to which Denmark is liable to become a purely reactive player, with little or no influence over decision-making. The report makes subsequent recommendations, should the government want to pursue a more comprehensive civil and military approach to international operations.
The Danish engagement in Iraq and Afghanistan has brought the country to the attention of sympathizers of the international salafi-jihadist network inspired by Al-Qaida. Thus, arguably an activist foreign policy must go hand in hand with a robust, flexible, and coordinated homeland security system. This working paper looks at ongoing Danish efforts to enhance civil-military cooperation in homeland security. Drawing on organizational theory and organizational change theory, the paper argues that civil-military cooperation depends on forging the right structures but also on the promotion of a culture of cross-governmental cooperation to reduce friction between civilian and military organizational cultures as well as battles of turf. It suggests that a targeted effort to promote a culture of cross-governmental cooperation through joint strategic level education and common exercising should be an imminent concern in order to make civilian and military agencies comfortable with new structures and requirements for cooperation. ; Danmarks engagement i blandt andet Irak betyder, at Danmark i stigende grad er kommet i søgelyset af tilhængere af den internationale Al-Qaida inspirerede salafi-jihadisme. En aktivistisk udenrigspolitik må derfor følges op af fleksibelt og velkoordineret hjemligt beredskab mod terrorisme. Dette DIIS Working Paper ser nærmere på den danske indsats for at fremme civil/militært samarbejde indenfor terrorberedskabet. Baseret på organisations teori og teori om forandringer i organisationer argumenteres der for, at effektivt civil/militært samarbejde er afhængigt af skabelsen af de rette strukturer, men også af styrkelsen af en organisations kultur hos såvel civile som militære aktører, der lægger vægt på samarbejde på tværs af sektorgrænser. Indlejringen af tvær-institutionel forståelse og koordinering i de respektive organisationskulturer kan søges fremmet via fælles træning og uddannelse på et strategisk niveau og kan medvirke til at gøre såvel civile som militære aktører mere trygge ved nye krav og strukturer rettet mod at sikre tættere samarbejde.
The article of record as published may be located at http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13510340802362505 ; The purpose of this article is to contribute to a better understanding of the contemporary importance for democracy of the relationship between elected leaders and the security forces. It attempts to present a conceptualization and framework to help comprehend what security forces actually do and how they interface with democratic governments. The article aims to extend the conceptual breadth of the literature on civil–military relations beyond control to include two further dimensions – effectiveness and efficiency. The research is based on the authors' experience in conducting programmes for officers and civilians throughout the world in line with at least six different roles and missions of security forces. The conceptualization draws on literature in comparative politics, organization theory, and defence economics, as well as civil–military relations, and security sector reform.
In the article on the basis of the overview of historical sources were generalized the levels of competence, which correlate or influence national strategic cultures. The first level is awareness, as a result of self-education or extra education, which is described as non-critical. The highest level of competence is "mastering", which allows to advantages and disadvantages of the extra-military scholarship, and to employ them in the most pragmatic way. ; В статті на основі огляду джерел з історії воєнної теорії та сучасних праць з проблем академічної цивільно-військової взаємодії були узагальнені рівні компетенції, які корелюють або мають вплив на утворення національних стратегічних культур. Перший рівень – це обізнаність, інформованість про метастратегічні фактори, який досягається через самоосвіту чи здобуття додаткової освіти; він характеризується відсутністю критичного осмислення отриманої інформації. Найвищий рівень компетентності – це опанування («mastering») ідеями та методами, які пропонують цивільні науки та освіта. На цьому рівні офіцер розуміє переваги та недоліки напрацювань позамілітарних наук, здатен використовувати це розуміння на свою користь.
In the article on the basis of the overview of historical sources were generalized the levels of competence, which correlate or influence national strategic cultures. The first level is awareness, as a result of self-education or extra education, which is described as non-critical. The highest level of competence is "mastering", which allows to advantages and disadvantages of the extra-military scholarship, and to employ them in the most pragmatic way. ; В статті на основі огляду джерел з історії воєнної теорії та сучасних праць з проблем академічної цивільно-військової взаємодії були узагальнені рівні компетенції, які корелюють або мають вплив на утворення національних стратегічних культур. Перший рівень – це обізнаність, інформованість про метастратегічні фактори, який досягається через самоосвіту чи здобуття додаткової освіти; він характеризується відсутністю критичного осмислення отриманої інформації. Найвищий рівень компетентності – це опанування («mastering») ідеями та методами, які пропонують цивільні науки та освіта. На цьому рівні офіцер розуміє переваги та недоліки напрацювань позамілітарних наук, здатен використовувати це розуміння на свою користь.
Thomas S. Langston believes "it has never been easy for Americans to decide what to do with the military" at the end of a war. During peacetime, should the military solely focus on preparing for future wars, or should it usefully serve the nation in other ways? Langston cites some examples of the military provid- ing a service to the nation during peace- time. For instance, after the War of 1812, the military "took the lead in opening the West for settlement" by building roads, surveying canals, and farming. After World War I, the military "operated the main barge line on the Mississippi River. operated and extended cable and telegraph lines in Alaska, operated steamship and canal services in Panama, and responded to natural disasters."
Pakistan's military establishment defends its prominent role in the society due to the set of complex threats and a series of conflicts which Pakistan has been facing. At the time of its creation, Pakistan found itself in the midst of instability due to the adverse policies of its rival neighbors. Pakistan has the decisive position in the global power politics. The disconcerting situation develop due to the sense of guardianship. The army believes that the civilian government lacks the vision and political insight which enables state to operate the affairs other than the security issues without soliciting military institutions.
The advent of more deadly forms of terrorism has challenged all governments to craft responses that stop terrorism while strengthening democracy – and without breeding more terrorism. The era of new terrorism is fraught with paradoxes and dilemmas that require decision-makers to develop a thorough understanding of the threats they face, as well as a comprehensive appreciation for the tools available to them for developing effective responses. No single government can respond effectively to the new terrorism, laced as it is with global net worked support. Neither can any single agency within government execute the strategy necessary to prevail over terrorist networks. These conditions place international and interagency coordination at the very center of all successful strategies for combating terrorism.
"The development and procurement of major weapons programs in the United States is a complex and often drawn-out process complicated by political considerations and often sharp disagreements over requirements and the merits of systems. Secretaries of Defense since Robert McNamara have sought to impose discipline on the process, with varying degrees of success. Conflicts between a Military Service and the civilian leadership are inevitable. A Service wants to develop the most advanced system to address its perceived need, whereas the Secretary of Defense must balance competing requirements across the Department of Defense. The military and the civilian leadership may also have different strategic perspectives that feed this conflict. Through the detailed analysis of three case studies -- the Nuclear Surface Navy in the 1960s, the B-1 Bomber in the 1970s, and the Crusader Artillery System in the 2000s -- the author explores some of the common themes and sources of friction that arise in civil-military relations concerning major weapons programs. He concludes with some thoughts on how the Secretary of Defense can anticipate and reduce these sources of friction, while retaining an environment that supports healthy debate."--P. [ix] ; "November 2010." ; Includes bibliographical references. ; Introduction -- The nuclear navy -- The B-1 bomber -- The Crusader artillery system -- Conclusion and observations. ; "The development and procurement of major weapons programs in the United States is a complex and often drawn-out process complicated by political considerations and often sharp disagreements over requirements and the merits of systems. Secretaries of Defense since Robert McNamara have sought to impose discipline on the process, with varying degrees of success. Conflicts between a Military Service and the civilian leadership are inevitable. A Service wants to develop the most advanced system to address its perceived need, whereas the Secretary of Defense must balance competing requirements across the Department of Defense. The military and the civilian leadership may also have different strategic perspectives that feed this conflict. Through the detailed analysis of three case studies -- the Nuclear Surface Navy in the 1960s, the B-1 Bomber in the 1970s, and the Crusader Artillery System in the 2000s -- the author explores some of the common themes and sources of friction that arise in civil-military relations concerning major weapons programs. He concludes with some thoughts on how the Secretary of Defense can anticipate and reduce these sources of friction, while retaining an environment that supports healthy debate."--P. [ix] ; Mode of access: Internet.
