Suchergebnisse

Raulin, Arnaud de: L'Afrique à la recherche d'un nouveau statut international. - S. 265-276 Ould Sidaty, Saadbouh: Globalisation et régionalisation : un défi pour l'Afrique. - S. 277-294 Benazzi, Lakhdar: La coopération euro-africaine à l'épreuve de la mondialisation. - S. 295-311 Oyono, Dieudonné: Les relations Nord-Sud dans le nouveau contexte international : le cas des rapports entre la France et l'Afrique. - S. 312-318 Wolff, Jürgen: Les résultats de la coopération entre l'Europe et l'Afrique : qu'en savons-nous? - S. 319-322 Lebreton, Gilles: L'islam devant la Cour européenne des droits de l'homme. - S. 323-340 Bourdelois, Béatrice: La coordination des systèmes juridiques à l'épreuve de la condition civile en France des personnes de statut personnel musulman. - S. 341-349 Manoury, Jacques: Financement, développement et les relations Nord-Sud. - S. 350-360

Diplomatic relations — Diplomatic immunity — Diplomatic agents — Family of diplomatic agent — Extent of immunity — Child custody dispute between diplomatic agent and spouse — Jurisdiction of courts of receiving State — Immunity of diplomatic agent after termination of appointment — Immunity in respect of official acts — Limits — Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations, 1961, Articles 1, 31, 32 and 37 — Relevance of human rights agreements — European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, 1950State immunity — Jurisdictional immunity — Immunity of State officials for official acts — Extent — Diplomat returning to sending State with children — Whether an official act — Whether official immune in action in courts of receiving State — Relationship between State immunity and diplomatic immunity486Treaties — Effect in national law — Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction, 1980 — The law of England

Interministerial Negociation : a New Means for Social Dialogue ?
Marcel Pochard
The question has arisen as to whether or not the conclusion of agreements is set to become progressively a normal, and no longer exceptional way of mediating social relations within the civil service. This would be a substantial change because, traditionally, relations have been governed rather more by dialogue or participation, than by negociation. Negociation allows for better consideration to be given to the preoccupations of ail concemed, but it also has limits depending upon the legal regulation to which each participant is subject, upon financial and political uncertainties and also upon the attitude of certain trade unions which systematically contest ail agreements. What is necessary, moreover, it to facilitate the decentralisation of collective bargaining.

Examines the current Kurdish problem in Turkey, the Turkish government's reaction to the issues raised by this problem, & the challenge that the Kurdish Workers' Party (PKK) poses to Ankara through its tactics of intimidation & terrorism. This imbroglio is also detailed in both political & economic terms. Implications of this conflict for Turkey's relations with Europe, the US, & other regional players (eg, Syria, Iraq, & Iran) are analyzed. The conflict could jeopardize Turkey's relations with Europe & the US & limit Ankara's role as a stabilizing influence in the region, thereby limiting its role regionally & internationally. This linkage to the West will be very difficult to substitute. In addition, civil violence & terrorist acts by the PKK could deter foreign investments & undermine tourism, thus affecting Turkey's long-range economic plans. Future prospects & options that Turkey might consider in bringing this conflict to a manageable solution are assessed. Adapted from the source document.

"This article reviews industrial relations trends taking place in the public sector
in Europe in a context of widespread state restructuring and public management
reform. Decentralisation, 'marketisation' and privatisation are examined in terms of
their impact on aspects of industrial relations such as employment growth, pay
determination, and the reform of machineries of negotiation and consultation.
Having identified a number of common tendencies, however, the article points to
persisting national variations in the extent and style of change. It seeks to explain
these in terms of the differing roles played by the public sector in post-war models of
development. It also considers the specific national institutional and political
arrangements - constitutional provisions, the status of civil servants, and the mechanics
of electoral systems, etc. - that may hinder or encourage state sector reform." (author's abstract)

The Spanish Civil War is one of the great tragedies of our time. Seen as a proxy war beetween the minions of communism and the new world order against the old forces tradition, religion and capitalism, Spain became the chessboard for an international struggle of conflicting ideologies, a struggle wich would evolve into the Second World War. It seems doubly absurd, on first glance, trat Limerick (Ireland), a geographically isolated provincia city and with an avowed and proud policy of neutrality, would also play a role in this conflict. Yet, Limerick, its elected representaitves and its people did play a definite and active role in the Spanish Civil War. This role may not have been of great military significance, but it was one of political importance and it the light of recent studies on the Spanish Civil War and De Valera's Ireland, it is undoubtedly a role which deserves a fresh historical investigation and appraisal. This study of Limerick's role in the Spanish Civil War does help us to reach a deeper understanding of this historical period in Limerick and the interaction of the city with developments in Irish society. ; La Guerra Civil Española es una de las grandes tragedias de nuestro tiempo. Vista como una guerra entre el bando del comunismo y el orden de un nuevo mundo, frente al viejo poder de la tradición, la religión y el capitalismo, España fue el tablero de juego de un enfrentamiento internacional entre ideologías contrarias, un enfrentamiento que desembocó en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. A primera vista, parece absurdoque Limerick (Irlanda) jugase también un papel en el desarrollo de este conflicto, siendo una ciudad de provincias y geográficamente aislada, y con una reconocida y orgullosa política neutral, pero sus representantes electos y sus habitantes desempeñaron un papel activo y significativo en la Guerra Civil Española. Puede que dicho papel no tuviese una gran relevancia militar, pero sí que tuvo trascendencia política, y, a la luz de los estudios más recientes sobre la Guerra Civil Española, junto al trabajo contemporáneo sobre la Irlanda de De Valera, no se puede dudar de que Irlanda, y más específicamente Limerick, disfrutó de un papel que merece un nuevo estudio y valoración histórica. En definitiva, este estudio ayudará a comprender con mayor profundidad este periodo histórico de la ciudad de Limerick, así como la interacción de la ciudad con los acontecimientos que estaban ocurriendo en la sociedad irlandesa durante esa época.

An investigation of US participation in the transatlantic slave trade to the Americas, from the American Revolution to the Civil War While much of modern scholarship has focused on the American slave trade's impact within the United States, considerably less has addressed its effects in other parts of the Americas. A rich analysis of a complex subject, this study draws on Portuguese, Brazilian, and Spanish primary documents—as well as English-language material—to shed new light on the changing behavior of slave traders and their networks, particularly in Brazil and Cuba. Slavery in these nations, as Marques shows, contributed to the mounting tensions that would ultimately lead to the U.S. Civil War. Taking a truly Atlantic perspective, Marques outlines the multiple forms of U.S. involvement in this traffic amid various legislation and shifting international relations, exploring the global processes that shaped the history of this participation.

This study assesses the relation between foreign aid
and the contribution of civil society to the consolidation
of democracy in Romania. Drawing on questionnaire
data as well as internal documents the study
specifically looks at the impact of international
assistance on the participation of advocacy groups in the governmental policymaking process. On the one hand, it is shown that international assistance enhances the capacity of NGOs to mobilize advocacy coalitions and this in turn increases the effectiveness of their participation in influencing policymaking. But on the other hand, democracy assistance programs have a rather paradoxical effect by impeding NGOs' civic
engagement with their domestic constituencies. Hence, international assistance has a mixed impact on the contribution of civil society to the consolidation of democracy: it fosters advocacy groups' "link-up" to the governmental decision-makers while in the same time it hinders their "link-down" to ordinary people.

The present paper investigates how ethnic violence and civil war in Sri Lanka have affected local property rights institutions . I use local case studies to analyze the institutional relations and alliances between civilians and combatants in the emergent society of violence that shapes local communities in civil war. My focus will be on how civilians from different ethnic groups utilize social and political capital assets to secure entitlements to natural resources. The findings of my research suggest that resource entitlements in Trincomalee are ethnicised in the sense that opportunities and access to resources are unequally distributed among the three ethnic groups (Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims), because these groups are unequally endowed with political capital. Patron-client networks based on ethnicity shape the relative bargaining power of local actors. This system reproduces perceived grievances among the different ethnic groups and thus reproduces the conditions for ethnic violence.

Despite considerable scholarly and popular interest in the International Brigades, which fought on the side of the Spanish Republic during the Spanish Civil War of 1936–9, traditional approaches centred on 'national' contingents of foreign volunteers have left significant gaps in historical knowledge. In particular, relations between the foreign volunteers and their Spanish hosts have received little attention, even though these relationships were fundamental to the everyday experience of volunteering, as well as affecting the International Brigades' cohesion during their time in Spain. This account introduces a range of new archival material relating to the English-speaking XV International Brigade, arguing that pervasive structural and cultural factors led to a complex and variable set of outcomes that defy binary categorisation. In doing so, this study contributes to an emerging new literature on transnational approaches to the Spanish Civil War and interwar anti-fascisms, as well as comparative approaches to foreign fighter mobilisations.

This article analyzes participatory governance in relation to heritage. Based on previous studies on the implementation of participation and theoretical discussions considering the participatory governance of cultural heritage, we found four types of cultural heritage governance, with differing weights with regard to public authorities, civil society, markets, and citizens. Governmental, corporatist, service-led, and cocreative cultural heritage governance types were identified, which reflect the shifts in participatory approaches to governance from state-centered activities to the proliferation of civil society, and from professionally dominated to more citizen-based activities. According to our analysis, culture and heritage can be conceptualized as instruments for the transformation of attributes and competencies, and they work as mediums to cultivate recognition between institutions and citizens. This includes not only seeking consensus in decision making but also respecting the nuances and values of different heritages. ; peerReviewed

AbstractThis article examines the reasons behind Taiwan's effective COVID‐19 response. While some have argued that Taiwan's success with COVID‐19 is based on its experience with SARS, I argue that we should not attribute Taiwan's effective response solely to its SARS experience. The country's success mainly lies in three factors: (1) reliance on the mask policy as the main disease prevention measure and the ability to quickly expand mask production capacity; (2) use of big data and technology to enhance effective implementation of disease prevention and detection measures; and (3) strong state‐society relations favoring transparency, communication, and collaboration. The first two factors can trace their roots to the country's developmental state model. Democracy provides the institutional underpinning for a vibrant civil society and the synergy between state and civil society, strengthening Taiwan's crisis governance legitimacy and increasing citizens' voluntary compliance.

La socialización política en/con entornos digitales puede entenderse como aquellos aprendizajes de lo político que logramos reconstruir a partir de diversas dimensiones (subjetivación política, socialización, apropiación de tecnologías) que hacen parte de nuestro vínculo con las redes sociales digitales. Aquí expondremos una tipología de aprendizajes de lo político por parte de jóvenes en el marco de dos organizaciones de la sociedad civil en la ciudad de Corrientes (Argentina): Oajnu y Techo. ; Political socialization in/with digital environments can be understood as those politics learnings that we be able to to reconstruct from various dimensions (political subjectivation, socialization, appropriation of technologies) that are part of our relation with digital social networks. Here we will present a typology of politics learning by young people within the context of two civil society organizations in the city of Corrientes (Argentina): Oajnu and Techo. ; Facultad de Periodismo y Comunicación Social

La socialización política en/con entornos digitales puede entenderse como aquellos aprendizajes de lo político que logramos reconstruir a partir de diversas dimensiones (subjetivación política, socialización, apropiación de tecnologías) que hacen parte de nuestro vínculo con las redes sociales digitales. Aquí expondremos una tipología de aprendizajes de lo político por parte de jóvenes en el marco de dos organizaciones de la sociedad civil en la ciudad de Corrientes (Argentina): Oajnu y Techo. ; Political socialization in / with digital environments can be understood as those politics learnings that we be able to to reconstruct from various dimensions (political subjectivation, socialization, appropriation of technologies) that are part of our relation with digital social networks. Here we will present a typology of politics learning by young people within the context of two civil society organizations in the city of Corrientes (Argentina): Oajnu and Techo

This article examines the relations between the European Parliament (EP) and civil society organizations (CSOs) in the EU's legislative process. It focuses specifically on legislative trilogues, an informal institution bringing together the representatives of the EP, Council, and Commission in a secluded setting to conclude legislative agreements. Trilogues have become the modus operandi and an absolutely pivotal part of the EU lawmaking process: they are where the deals are made. While secluded decision-making offers plenty of opportunities for EU institutions to depoliticize lawmaking, we argue that trilogues have become politicized, partly from the relationship between the European Parliament and civil society organisations. We flesh out this argument on the basis of insights from the politicization and the historical institutionalist literatures, advance two ideal types of trilogue politics, and explore these types on the basis of a preliminary examination of a comprehensive interview material.