Suchergebnisse

Résumé Depuis la fin des années 1990, une mémoire saturée de la guerre civile (36-39) traverse l'espace public espagnol. Cette situation est provoquée en partie par des « mouvements pour la récupération de la mémoire historique », une nébuleuse associative qui revendique le devoir de mémoire des vaincus. L'étude sur le terrain des actions, des représentations et des souvenirs des individus qui participent à ces mobilisations permet d'examiner de près les mécanismes et les effets de la transmission d'un passé douloureux et d'éclaircir ainsi les relations entre mémoires officielles et mémoires individuelles. Les socialisations plurielles et diachroniques subies par ces militants seront examinées en prêtant une attention spéciale à ceux qui n'ont commencé à connaître les détails de la guerre civile qu'à l'âge adulte. Le concept de rupture mémorielle permettra alors d'analyser comment ces derniers expérimentent une redéfinition de leurs représentations du passé qui bouleverse leurs rapports au politique.

This article investigates the substance of the European Union (EU)'s democracy promotion towards its southern neighbours within the framework of the Euro- Mediterranean Partnership (EMP)/the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) and the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). Taking the distinction between core elements of democracy and supporting external conditions as a point of departure, this article concentrates on the latter and analyses the EU's view on the relation between the state, the market, and the civil society. This article finds that the main objective of the EU's policy towards its southern Mediterranean neighbours is economic liberalization and that the promotion of the civil society, the functioning of the state, and the core elements of democracy are oriented to the promotion of a market-based economy. Moreover, the EU's preoccupation with the market has affected the establishment of democracies in the southern Mediterranean region.

The European Instrument for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR) is often considered the "jewel in the crown" of the European Union's democracy promotion. Its mandate encompasses the funding of democratizing civil society organizations and thus the facilitation of democratization "from below." It is argued here that if we apply Foucauldian governmentality tools to the analysis of the workings of the EIDHR, we can see that, despite the pluralistic rhetoric that guides it, the Instrument's objectives and management structures facilitate particular kinds of democratic visions. Neoliberal governmentality, it is argued, may be hidden deep within the expectations set for EU-funded civil society "democratizers." This has important consequences for how we understand the model of democracy that the European Union promotes and the power relations of the European Union's "locally owned" democracy promotion. Adapted from the source document.

Social scientists and policy-makers are increasingly concerned with the civil society ability to influence the external policy of EU and the member states. This ability depends to a large extent on the capabilities and instruments of the non-governmental-organizations (NGOs), national and international associations, and lobbies, which represent civil society interests. In order to represent the demands that cut across the borders of states, NGOs are increasingly gaining access to international decision-making institutions. However, this access continues to face with the controversial issue of the NGOs engagement in political participation, representation, and democratization of the decision-making processes of international organizations. This paper aims at analyzing the increasing engagement of NGOs, within and in relation with the EU, in the framework of CFSP/ESDP, and in responding to composite humanitarian emergencies. Keywords: NGO, European Union, security, peace-keeping. (Romanian Journal of European Affairs / SWP)

This article analyzes a set of fifty-five interviews conducted with black teenagers during the summer of 1963 in Prince Edward County, Virginia: site of the nation's most determined attempt to circumvent the Supreme Court ruling in Brown v. Board of Education through abandoning public education altogether. Caught up in currents larger than themselves, the teenagers' thoughts on subjects such as the term "black," the effectiveness of nonviolence, and the actions and motivations of white people offer a rare window into the minds of youth defining their own personhood against the backdrop of a rapidly changing world. Historians know relatively little about civil rights figures like the Prince Edward children, who were simultaneously protesters and victims. Many were thoroughly politicized by their experience, becoming either active resistors or thoughtful commentators on American race relations, while others remained unwitting participants in Prince Edward's civil rights drama.

The notions of wellbeing and empowerment are, in their political participation dimension, interlinked with civil society activism and collective mobilisation. Usually these ideas are discussed in relation to either the national or the global level, but they are relevant as well to the emerging transnational European sphere. This paper analyses the role of transnational civil society actors as mediators of wellbeing for the ones active within the organisations and networks. The objective is to assess wellbeing as the ability to participate in political activities both in terms of who participates and how the organisations are structured as well as the European institutional set-up surrounding their actions, thereby restraining or enhancing their opportunities of participation. The paper, thus, addresses both the possibilities of access and generation of wellbeing and argues that political participation as wellbeing and empowerment is both a matter of representation and recognition.

В представленной статье анализируются исторические этапы развития авторского права в России. Автор делает вывод, что вступившая в силу IV Часть ГК РФ стала важнейшим этапом на пути к завершению кодификации гражданского законодательства, построенного на основе рыночной экономики и сбалансированном сочетании интересов различных категорий участников частноправовых отношений. Рассматриваются и анализируются основные исторические вехи развития авторского права в России. ; In presented clause historical stages of development ав¬торского the rights in Russia are analyzed. The author does a conclusion, that come into force IV part the civil code the Russian Federation became the major stage on a way to end of codification of the civil legislation constructed on the basis of market economy and the balanced combination of interests of various categories of participants of legal relations. The basic historical marks of development of the copyright in Russia are considered and analyzed.

В статье анализируются проблемы классификации игр и пари. Представляется возможным положить в основу классификации игр и пари объективные критерии, что будет способствовать более детальному разграничению исследуемых понятий. Содержатся теоретические выводы и предложения по совершенствованию гражданского законодательства в сфере классификации игр и пари. ; In clause the problems of civil-law regulation of the attitudes(relations) arising are analyzed at organization and realization of games and soar. The contents of researched concepts is opened, the general (common) and various attributes characteristic for games are selected and soar. As the basic criterion for division of concepts "game" also "soar" it is offered to use character of actions of the participants after the conclusion between them or between them and organizer of the agreement about realization of games and soar. The theoretical conclusions and offers on perfection of the civil legislation about games contain and soar.

This article addresses the critical role that public diplomacy plays in improving the deteriorating image of the United States in the Muslim world. The authors argue that both public diplomacy and policies, including those on civil liberties, are vital to U.S. success in the war on terrorism and that the next U.S. president must designate this effort as a matter of highest national security importance. Many in the Muslim world believe that the war on terrorism is essentially a war on Islam; this view impedes the success of an effective foreign policy strategy. Previous efforts of public diplomacy have lacked funding, energy, focus, and an integrated strategy. The authors define six principles to improve America's security through winning the war of ideas, including addressing civil liberties concerns, and engaging diverse constituencies in the Muslim world. Finally, the authors describe ten public diplomacy initiatives to improve U.S.–Muslim world relations.

Since the 1990s, a new organizational form of the administrative system in France has been steadily redefining relations between central administrations and local units of the state. Labelled "the steering state" or the "managerial state", this new paradigm hinges on separating the strategic functions of steering and controlling the state from the operational functions of execution and policy implementation. The making of this new form of state organization involves two parallel processes: political and cognitive. For one thing, the adoption of concrete measures for "government at distance" results from power struggles between three major ministries (the ministries of the Interior, Budget and Civil Service). For another, a new legitimate "categorization of the state" is being formed in the major committees involved in the reform process of the 1990s; it is carried forward by top civil servants and inspired by the ideas of New Public Management.

Since the 1990s, a new organizational form of the administrative system in France has been steadily redefining relations between central administrations and local units of the state. Labelled "the steering state" or the "managerial state", this new paradigm hinges on separating the strategic functions of steering and controlling the state from the operational functions of execution and policy implementation. The making of this new form of state organization involves two parallel processes: political and cognitive. For one thing, the adoption of concrete measures for "government at distance" results from power struggles between three major ministries (the ministries of the Interior, Budget and Civil Service). For another, a new legitimate "categorization of the state" is being formed in the major committees involved in the reform process of the 1990s; it is carried forward by top civil servants and inspired by the ideas of New Public Management.