Suchergebnisse

Conflicts between Governance actors are rife in the era of democracy as it is today. The purpose of this study is to analyze the problems of land conflicts faced by the community against the Bandung City Government which is in a joint coalition with PT Sartonia Agung. Those two parties had a dispute over land rights in RW 11 Tamansari to control the basis of rights for housing and the construction of Row House. The struggle of each party in the struggle for land in RW 11 Tamansari was carried out through an advocacy process with both formal and informal approaches. The Advocacy Coalition Framework in this study was used as a knife for analyzing the phenomena that occurred. The research methods used in this study were qualitative research by standing on the interpretative paradigm. The data were collected by conducting observations, in-depth interviews, and documentation relating to the outline of the research. The findings obtained from this study indicated that there was a formation of strong coalition domination by the government through aggressive and repressive behavior that raised a conflict of interest in the row house construction policy in Tamansari Subdistrict, Bandung City, which was rejected by the Coalition of the Tamansari community that was formed. The series of advocacy carried out by the Tamansari community coalition had not produced results in favor of the coalition that urged a change in the policy.

Reformation became an important moment of democratization in Indonesia. The two important political changes that occur in reformation era are the freedom to establish political parties and the electoral system. Such changes have an impact on the emergence of a coalition phenomenon in Indonesia, because general elections with multiparty systems are unable to produce a majority vote in parliament. This paper aims to map and analyze the dinamic of the political party coalition in Indonesia' presidential election in the reform era within coalition theories by Riker, Katz&Mair and Swaan. Using a qualitative approach and secondary data from media and literature, the main factor that influence the formation of coalitions in the presidential elections in the reform era is political pragmatism. It Political pragmatism makes political partiesparty politics as a cartel party that becomes the agent of the state and employ the resources of the state to ensure their party' survival. Pragmatism ultimately makes the ideology is not a binding factor in building a coalition, but simply to maximize power.

This paper examines the dynamics of a coalition of political parties in Indonesia, especially in the presidential election of 2014 through a Fuzzy approach. The results of this study indicate that the ideology of political parties cannot be used as coalition preferences in absolute terms. The formation of the coalition is heavily based on seeking office interest. In other words, political parties in Indonesia have not been able to gain funding independently but still rely on state resources that obtained through its members in the executive and legislative offices. However, fuzzy logic modeling to the coalition as conducted in this writing is still very simple and need to test rigor of mathematical models that can describe the real condition of the behavior of political parties to form a coalition.

The research is aimed to find out the "Coalition for Freedom of Information" activity, or Coalition, that can be categorized public diplomacy, its relationship with implementing thegovernment as the requirement to realize the good governance, and to get to know the relationship between good governance and the image building of Indonesia. The principles of public relations are used as the approach in analyzing the phenomenon of public diplomacy used by Coalition. This research was conducted by using the qualitative approach through constructivist paradigm toward the Coalition attitude in applying the public diplomacy. This research used both the key and supporting informa collecting was conducted by interview, observation, participation, and documentary study about the Coalition activity as well as the delphi technique. The data analysis was carried out as long as the research went on through the intersubjective commitment to focus being researched. The research gained some findings which involved: (a) The "Coalition for Freedom of Information" activity in public diplomacy can be done by the public relations approach using some activity categories, (b) The "Coalition for freedom of information" performance is focused on the efforts to uphold the law concerning freedom of access to public information in supporting the realization of good governance, (c) The public diplomacy activity applied by the Coalition through its advocacy was considered successful which can be seen by the local government rules concerning the implementation of participative and transparent government, (d) The model with the integrated public diplomacy potency and the synergy between the state actor and the non-state actor possessing their own structural authority and legality in the information service system for all public elements can build the positive image of Indonesia.

The Gulf coalition country led by Saudi Arabia simultaneously severed its diplomatic relations with Qatar in early June 2017. This action was motivated by Saudi Arabia's accusations of Qatar's proximity to several Islamic opposition organizations such as the Muslim Brotherhood and Hamas and its bilateral tendencies with Iran. This resentment continued with the launching of a land, sea and air blockade against Qatar's territory. Qatar dismissed the accusations and saw the Arab coalition's actions as an intervention against its foreign policy. In addition, Turkey as an ally of Qatar initially responded to the diplomatic crisis in a neutral manner and put forward mediation efforts. However, these efforts failed due to sabotage by the Gulf coalition. Turkey later denounced the blockade and immediately signed a military agreement to speed up the deployment of troops to Qatar. This article aims to analyze the reasons for Turkey's shift from initially neutral to pro-Qatar by strengthening its bilateral relations with Qatar through a series of help.

On November, 4th 2020, the Tigrayan Area became one of the deadly conflict hotspots in the midst of the global pandemic Covid-19. The conflicts are rooted since the Ethiopian People's Democratic Front (EPRDF) becoming the governing party 30 years ago that reigned by corrupt, dirty, discriminate governance. EPRDF was in coalition with four parties: Amhara Democratic Party (ADP); The Oromo Democratic Party (ODP); Southern Ethiopian People's Democratic Party Movement (SEPDPM); and Tigrayan People's Liberation Front (TPLF). Among the four parties, only the TPLF has been promoted and acquired privileges by the EPRDF. These privileges provide TPLF an influence, an important political position, and a military sector, which creates other parties feel excluded. Political friction, sexual violence, and even the issue of ethnic cleansing of Tigrayans underlie the crisis. Since Abiy Ahmed from ODP become a new PM of Ethiopia, it is strongly indicated that his position indirectly supports reprisal against TPLF. The involvement of Eritrea in this conflict, expanding the spectrum of crisis. Deadlock on the solution and the unilateral claims of the Abiy's successful (offensive) settlement against TPLF, agonizing the situation of the Tigrayan people. Therefore, in this essay, the author will explain how the characteristics of the current conflict situation, the ripeness of conflict, methods of resolution of mediation, and possible solution to construct a stable situation in the Tigray Conflict. Key Words: Abiy, Afrika, Amhara, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Oromo, Tigray, TPLF