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Coffee; America's most used drug. I personally can't go a day without drinking coffee now and I'm sure many others would agree with me. But to know where the coffee that I am drinking comes from, whose hands have picked it, I wouldn't be able to tell you. This timeline focuses on the fair trade and child labour historical portion of the history of coffee. We travel with the coffee bean starting in Ethiopia/Arabian Peninsula and trekking all the way to the America's. How did the faire trade system begin and develop? Why did it begin in the first place? Where politicians happy about it? Were business moguls pleased with the change? All very interesting questions to have about a bean. A bean that we rely on, a bean that made the Southern Hemisphere have a seat at the world trading table. There are two portions of this history, the 20th century when faire trade first came into play/how it was changed and discussed for years and then the 21st century, when places like Starbucks and Tim Hortons were know across the first world countries as a staple. Advertisements changed drastically over the years and capitalistic ideals were the forefront of consumption. Together coffee and fair-trade dominate the food & drink market. Our world economics, environment, social movements & politics have changed drastically over thousands of years all because of coffee and will forever be changing.

In a world of high finance, unprecedented technological change, and cyber billionaires, it is easy to forget that a major source of global wealth is, literally, right under our noses. Coffee is one of the most valuable Southern exports, generating billions of dollars in corporate profits each year, even while the majority of the world's 25 million coffee families live in relative poverty. But who is responsible for such vast inequality? Many analysts point to the coffee market itself, its price volatility and corporate oligarchy, and seek to ""correct"" it through fair trade, organic and susta

FOR AFRICAN PRODUCERS OF ARABICA AND ROBUSTA COFFEES, THE PATTERN OF PRICE BEHAVIOR IS EXTREMELY UNWELCOME, PARTICULARLY FOR THE COUNTRIES FOR WHICH COFFEE EXPORTS ARE NOT ONLY A MAJOR SOURCE OF FOREIGN EXCHANGE BUT ALSO AN IMPORTANT SOURCE OF CASH INCOME FOR SMALL FARMERS. THIS ARTICLE REPORTS ON THE INSTITUTIONAL HISTORY OF COFFEE PRODUCTION AND THE GLOBAL MARKETING CHAIN. IT CONCLUDES THAT ALTHOUGH THE TRIGGER FOR A PRICE CHANGE IN THE MARKET FOR COFFEE MAY BE CLIMATIC, THE WAY IN WHICH THAT ECONOMIC CHANGE IMPACTS ON THE DIFFERENT PARTICIPANTS IN THE MARKET IS POLITICALLY DETERMINED.

This paper offers a rethinking of the global coffee crisis from 1998 to 2002. In seeking to account for the crisis, most official international institutions and non-governmental organisations have focused on the dynamics of the coffee market, its volatility and unpredictability, in the wake of the decline of the International Coffee Agreements in 1989. The result has been a dominant consensus around the 'market' as the cause of underdevelopment and its potential solution, with the 'state' receding ever further into the background. As an alternative to this consensus, this paper argues that the state and the market are inseparable and, more specifically, that coffee statecraft, both good and bad, has been and continues to be central to the everyday operations of the coffee industry. Drawing specifically on the role of the Vietnamese state, it argues that coffee statecraft played a key role in the crisis -- typically portrayed as primarily market-driven -- and proposes greater attention be paid to the geopolitical actions of southern states, the role of the state during times when it seems most benign or invisible, and the centrality of coffee statecraft in steering development outcomes. Adapted from the source document.

AbstractThe paper investigates whether coffee producers can benefit by taking coffee production/marketing decisions on the basis of coffee futures forecasts. The methodology employed is to match futures and spot prices for the coffee futures contract traded at the international commodity exchanges. Regression analysis demonstrates that changes in spot prices are not explained by changes in lagged futures prices. On the contrary, it emerges that futures prices tend to adapt to the prevailing spot prices. The deviations of the spot prices from the lagged futures prices are over 30 per cent on average and they do not follow any systematic pattern. Therefore, the hypothesis that coffee futures market information could benefit coffee producers cannot be empirically supported. Copyright © 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.