The Croatian political scene is undergoing radical changes. Since the 2016 parliamentary election, the left-wing has gradually lost ground. One of the key roles in the political process is played by the media, which influence the voters and their choices. In this paper we analysed written texts collected during the 2016 election campaign. Among the most prominent Croatian newspapers the left-wing Novi list and the right-wing Večernji list are chosen as the focal publications. We conducted a text linguistic analysis of the political catchword (phrase, slogan) and its role in creating the political opinions of voters. The analysis provided data about the verbal, nonverbal and paraverbal text segments. These phenomena were abstracted as communicational-pragmatic and language-stylistic entities which are necessary for the successful cognitive framing of the political opinions of the public. In order to create and frame political opinions, the text producer uses subtle persuasive messages. Furthermore, at the content-related level of the text structure analysis, the communicative intention of the producer is shown, while the text function analysis shows the most common text indicators used to transmit the desired content and identifies a potential persuasive message "hidden" in the words. As a result, the number of catchwords published in line with each newspaper's own political orientation is slightly higher than that of the other option, which shows that political neutrality is lacking in the Croatian media.
Godparenthood is a distinctive form of ritual kinship associated with Christianity—most strongly developed in Catholic and Orthodox societies. There is general agreement among researchers that it is important both subjectively and practically. Nevertheless, the underlying logic of the system remains rather elusive—since the usual explanations, in terms of either patronage or religious belief, receive rather limited support from the data. Ethnographic evidence shows that the dyadic and triadic relationships of god(co)parenthood often involve neither practical patronage nor spiritual guidance. It is clear that a satisfactory explanation of godparenthood needs to go beyond these surface functions: the question is how? In this article, I argue that there are parallels between god(co)parenthood as it operates in Catholic Europe and the sacralization of kinship ties in segmentary lineage systems found in other parts of the world. In both cases, sacralized kinship ties link individuals to encompassing kinship categories which can also be localized in appropriate ways. I argue that this provides a cognitive framework in which kin-based and locally based cooperation can operate in a mutually sustaining fashion—and that the commitment to god(co)parenthood reflects the felt need for cooperation of this kind. To support this interpretation, I refer to fieldwork in northeast Italy. I also draw on historical and survey data to show that the interpretation is consistent with the history and geography of godparenthood within Europe.
Cognitive framing, understood as managing by social agents within their discursive practices of cognitive frames in order to achieve certain political goals, is a part and parcel of any international conflict settlement, taking into account the very social nature of the latter. At the same time, the existing narrative models of conflict regulation provide an opportunity for successful investigation and modification of seman- tic matrices of the parties' positions, as within informational and psychological operations. Therefore, the study of cognitive frames and their respective reframing, which changes the semantic dimension of a con- flict, allows it to be resolved more quickly and effectively. However, despite the largely neutral semantics of the negotiation process within the Minsk-1 and Minsk-2, as well as the "Normandy format", discursive practices of both Ukraine and Russia of the highest political level today are filled with numerous confrontational cognitive frames. The latter signifies about an active phase of a semantic war between the two parties, which is currently hampering the efficient settlement of the ongoing inter- national conflict. Which, in turn, requires the parties to develop more efficient frames for sufficient transformation of the semantic dimension of the Russia-Ukraine international conflict and its subsequent settlement. ; У статті актуалізується роль когнітивного фреймінгу як одного з інструментів врегулювання міжнародних конфліктів, спрямованого на видозміну картин світу відповідних сторін. Проведено паралель між реалізацією даного методу та інформаційно-психологічними операціями. Зроблено наголос на значенні когнітивного фреймінгу в переговорних процесах щодо врегулювання міжнародних конфліктів. Охарактеризовані окремі особливості керування сприйняттям в рамках Мінських угод початку 2015 року в порівнянні з дискурсивними практиками вищих посадових осіб України та Російської Федерації.
Drawing on Bansal & Roth's model of ecological responsiveness, the study investigates how environmental managers' cognitive framings of sustainability issues and interpretations of field-level contextual factors affect decision-making processes with regard to environmental management system (EMS) internalization. Using data from a survey questionnaire of 457 ISO 14001-certified and EMAS-registered European companies, the research analyses the influence of managers' perceptions of contextual factors (i.e. environmental issue salience and governmental regulatory incentives) and managers' cognitive traits (i.e. managers' environmental concern and cognitive framings of environmental practices) on internalization. The results highlight that, while managers' perceived stakeholders' concern for the natural environment directly influences substantive internalization, governmental regulatory reliefs fail to influence the internalization of EMS. Similarly, managers' environmental concern emerges as an antecedent of internalization, while managers' adherence to an alignment logic between economic and environmental objectives does not contribute to internalization. Furthermore, the study contributes to the conceptualization of substantive internalization of environmental practices, by highlighting the existence of two distinct dimensions of EMS internalization, i.e. operational and strategic internalization.
The Croatian political scene is undergoing radical changes. Since the 2016 parliamentary election, the left-wing has gradually lost ground. One of the key roles in the political process is played by the media, which influence the voters and their choices. In this paper we analysed written texts collected during the 2016 election campaign. Among the most prominent Croatian newspapers the left-wing Novi list and the right-wing Večernji list are chosen as the focal publications. We conducted a text linguistic analysis of the political catchword (phrase, slogan) and its role in creating the political opinions of voters. The analysis provided data about the verbal, nonverbal and paraverbal text segments. These phenomena were abstracted as communicational-pragmatic and language-stylistic entities which are necessary for the successful cognitive framing of the political opinions of the public. In order to create and frame political opinions, the text producer uses subtle persuasive messages. Furthermore, at the content-related level of the text structure analysis, the communicative intention of the producer is shown, while the text function analysis shows the most common text indicators used to transmit the desired content and identifies a potential persuasive message "hidden" in the words. As a result, the number of catchwords published in line with each newspaper's own political orientation is slightly higher than that of the other option, which shows that political neutrality is lacking in the Croatian media. ; The Croatian political scene is undergoing radical changes. Since the 2016 parliamentary election, the left-wing has gradually lost ground. One of the key roles in the political process is played by the media, which influence the voters and their choices. In this paper we analysed written texts collected during the 2016 election campaign. Among the most prominent Croatian newspapers the left-wing Novi list and the right-wing Večernji list are chosen as the focal publications. We conducted a text linguistic analysis of the political catchword (phrase, slogan) and its role in creating the political opinions of voters. The analysis provided data about the verbal, nonverbal and paraverbal text segments. These phenomena were abstracted as communicational-pragmatic and language-stylistic entities which are necessary for the successful cognitive framing of the political opinions of the public. In order to create and frame political opinions, the text producer uses subtle persuasive messages. Furthermore, at the content-related level of the text structure analysis, the communicative intention of the producer is shown, while the text function analysis shows the most common text indicators used to transmit the desired content and identifies a potential persuasive message "hidden" in the words. As a result, the number of catchwords published in line with each newspaper's own political orientation is slightly higher than that of the other option, which shows that political neutrality is lacking in the Croatian media. ; The Croatian political scene is undergoing radical changes. Since the 2016 parliamentary election, the left-wing has gradually lost ground. One of the key roles in the political process is played by the media, which influence the voters and their choices. In this paper we analysed written texts collected during the 2016 election campaign. Among the most prominent Croatian newspapers the left-wing Novi list and the right-wing Večernji list are chosen as the focal publications. We conducted a text linguistic analysis of the political catchword (phrase, slogan) and its role in creating the political opinions of voters. The analysis provided data about the verbal, nonverbal and paraverbal text segments. These phenomena were abstracted as communicational-pragmatic and language-stylistic entities which are necessary for the successful cognitive framing of the political opinions of the public. In order to create and frame political opinions, the text producer uses subtle persuasive messages. Furthermore, at the content-related level of the text structure analysis, the communicative intention of the producer is shown, while the text function analysis shows the most common text indicators used to transmit the desired content and identifies a potential persuasive message "hidden" in the words. As a result, the number of catchwords published in line with each newspaper's own political orientation is slightly higher than that of the other option, which shows that political neutrality is lacking in the Croatian media. ; The Croatian political scene is undergoing radical changes. Since the 2016 parliamentary election, the left-wing has gradually lost ground. One of the key roles in the political process is played by the media, which influence the voters and their choices. In this paper we analysed written texts collected during the 2016 election campaign. Among the most prominent Croatian newspapers the left-wing Novi list and the right-wing Večernji list are chosen as the focal publications. We conducted a text linguistic analysis of the political catchword (phrase, slogan) and its role in creating the political opinions of voters. The analysis provided data about the verbal, nonverbal and paraverbal text segments. These phenomena were abstracted as communicational-pragmatic and language-stylistic entities which are necessary for the successful cognitive framing of the political opinions of the public. In order to create and frame political opinions, the text producer uses subtle persuasive messages. Furthermore, at the content-related level of the text structure analysis, the communicative intention of the producer is shown, while the text function analysis shows the most common text indicators used to transmit the desired content and identifies a potential persuasive message "hidden" in the words. As a result, the number of catchwords published in line with each newspaper's own political orientation is slightly higher than that of the other option, which shows that political neutrality is lacking in the Croatian media. ; The Croatian political scene is undergoing radical changes. Since the 2016 parliamentary election, the left-wing has gradually lost ground. One of the key roles in the political process is played by the media, which influence the voters and their choices. In this paper we analysed written texts collected during the 2016 election campaign. Among the most prominent Croatian newspapers the left-wing Novi list and the right-wing Večernji list are chosen as the focal publications. We conducted a text linguistic analysis of the political catchword (phrase, slogan) and its role in creating the political opinions of voters. The analysis provided data about the verbal, nonverbal and paraverbal text segments. These phenomena were abstracted as communicational-pragmatic and language-stylistic entities which are necessary for the successful cognitive framing of the political opinions of the public. In order to create and frame political opinions, the text producer uses subtle persuasive messages. Furthermore, at the content-related level of the text structure analysis, the communicative intention of the producer is shown, while the text function analysis shows the most common text indicators used to transmit the desired content and identifies a potential persuasive message "hidden" in the words. As a result, the number of catchwords published in line with each newspaper's own political orientation is slightly higher than that of the other option, which shows that political neutrality is lacking in the Croatian media. ; Hrvaška politična scena doživlja korenite spremembe. Od parlamentarnih volitev 2016 politična levica postopoma izgublja svoj položaj. V tem procesu eno ključnih vlog igrajo mediji, ki vplivajo na volivce in njihovo izbiro. V prispevku smo analizirali pisna besedila, zbrana med volilno kampanjo 2016. Med najvidnejšimi hrvaškimi časopisi sta bila izbrana politično levo usmerjeni »Novi list« in politično desno usmerjeni »Večernji list«. Med različnimi besedilnimi zvrstmi smo izvedli besediloslovno analizo političnega slogana (parole, krilatice) in njegove vloge pri ustvarjanju političnih mnenj volivcev. V analizi so bili podani podatki o verbalnih, neverbalnih in paraverbalnih segmentih besedila. Te pojave smo obravnavali kot komunikacijsko-pragmatične in jezikovno-slogovne entitete, ki so potrebne za uspešno kognitivno okvirjanje političnih mnenj javnosti. Za ustvarjanje in okvirjanje političnih mnenj tvorec besedila uporablja subtilna prepričevalna sporočila. Na vsebinski ravni analize strukture besedila je prikazan komunikacijski namen tvorca besedila, pri čemer analiza besedilne funkcije prikazuje najpogostejše kazalnike besedila, ki se uporabljajo za prenos želene vsebine, in identificira potencialno prepričevalno sporočilo, »skrito« v besedah. Raziskava pokaže, da je število političnih sloganov, objavljenih v prid prevladujoče politične usmeritve posameznega časopisa, nekoliko večje od števila krilatic za nasprotno opcijo, kar kaže, da hrvaški medijski prostor ni politično nevtralen.
In: P. H. Albuquerque and S. Albuquerque, "Framing Cognitive Machines: A Sociotechnical Taxonomy," 2023 IEEE Engineering Informatics, Melbourne, Australia, 2023, pp. 01-07, doi: 10.1109/IEEECONF58110.2023.10520570
Whereas there is extensive documentation that attribute framing influences the content of people's thought, we generally know less about how it affects the processes assumed to precede those thoughts. While existing explanations for attribute framing effects rely completely on valence-based associative processing, the results obtained in the present study are also consistent with the notion that negative framing stimulates more effortful and thorough information processing than positive framing. Specifically, results from a simulated business decision-making experiment showed that decision makers receiving negatively framed information had significantly better recall than those receiving positively framed information. Furthermore, decision makers in the negative framing condition were less confident than decision makers in the positively framed condition. Finally, compared to a no-framing condition, decision makers receiving positive framing deviated significantly more in evaluation than decision makers receiving negative framing did.
We conducted 2 experiments on the framing effect; recording reaction times in the first using a questionnaire and in the second using a computer-programmed procedure. We found that a positive framing effect caused participants to make faster decisions and show an intuitive, heuristic, decision-making pattern; whereas a negative framing effect caused participants to make slower decisions and show a rational, analytical, decision-making pattern. These results suggest that when decision-making time is not strictly controlled, other potential factors such as individual and cultural differences may influence the robustness of the framing effect.
This paper offers elaborations on current knowledge about social‐movement framing processes and cognitive liberation, especially regarding technical controversies and not‐in‐my‐backyard (NIMBY) protest. The social‐constructionist lens of the framing perspective also allows refinements in conventional explanations of NIMBY conflicts. Attention is given to the dynamics of emergence, continuity, and change in framing strategies over time in controversy regarding the U.S. Army's chemical‐weapons disposal program. I focus specifically on dynamics involved in the development of cognitive liberation, particularly the framing difficulties that occur in the context of cognitive ambiguities produced by an "information haze." These ambiguities create problems for developing and linking the diagnostic, prognostic, and motivational elements of collective‐action frames. I also attend to frame transformation, explaining how transformation may be both animated and constrained by a movement's opponent. I conclude that NIMBY is only one possible framing and can be transformed as the context of the dispute shifts. Moreover, framing activities in technical disputes may be particularly difficult due to the role of scientific rhetoric and experts in interpreting risks and shaping understandings of the situation.
