Suchergebnisse

The regimes created after the collapse of communism are based on the belief that the liberal-democratic political system & the market economy are a sufficient guarantee for the personal prosperity & the proclaimed political equality of all individuals. Practice, however, shows that this is not so & that, when women are concerned, only an "intervention" via a variety of support mechanisms enables the realization of equal opportunities. This is true both for the field of politics & employment. European policies offer a number of solutions, tested in Croatia & within the project "Attitudes of employers in the employment of women." The findings show that the attitudes concerning women at the workplace are more modern than those regarding their role in the family. Also, the support mechanisms in the employment of women & the performance of women at their workplace are selectively accepted. Women are still perceived as employees optimally linked to the traditional female professions & the mid-level executive posts in companies. The gender differences are the sole criterion on which employers base their attitudes, which leads to the conclusion that the problems of women in society are still not recognized as communal. 6 Tables, 12 Graphs, 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

"Globalism" & "globalization" are suggestive & vague terms; extreme caution is required when using them to define phenomena. There is no doubt there are certain actual issues due to which the world on the whole is becoming an object of attention to a bigger extent than it used to be. However, when the consequences & implications of these issues are concerned, it is easy to give free reign to imagination & overestimate their far-reaching repercussions, just as it is possible to underestimate them, believing that "there is nothing new under the sun.". Adapted from the source document.

The problem with sovereignty is that it is marked by traditional paradoxes: namely, it represents a stance that presumes an institutional solution, & simultaneously empowers all institutions of a given community (& thus is above them). Sovereignty has the form of a legal instance, but it is also the prerequisite of an entire (positive) legal system of a community; it manifests itself always as a political problem, but nowhere is its solution purely political; & finally, sovereignty is considered a fundamental national categorical (constitutional) basis for existence of a nation, but simultaneously it is always considered, affirmed, &, to some degree, determined in the international context. Adapted from the source document.

Određivanje granica u Istri je stari pothvat. Ustvari, nije prestao čak ni danas. U posljednjih nekoliko stoljeća granice na istarskom poluotoku doživjele su značajne promjene (posebice nakon propasti Mletačke Republike 1797. godine). No Istra je također zbog prijepora oko teritorija Trsta nadaleko poznata kao jedno od problematičnijih graničnih područja u Europi u poslijeratnom razdoblju. Prema mišljenju autora, ovaj problem je jedan od četiriju glavnih suvremenih graničnih problema između Slovenije i Hrvatske. Ostala tri su Kozlerova granica oko rijeke Dragonje (Rokave), nejasni pojmovi u austrijskim popisima u Istri, te priče o partizanskim naseljima pod vojnom upravom. No postoje i drugi važni aspekti koji su značajno utjecali na razvoj ovoga spora, ali u ovom radu pozornost će biti usmjerena na prije navedene probleme. U skladu s time analiziraju se učinci ishoda spora oko tršćanskog teritorija i njihov utjecaj na suvremene granične probleme. Upozoravanjem na materijalne i psihološke učinke ovoga spora na suvremene bilateralne odnose te njegovom analizom također se otkriva pozadina nikad odgovorenog pitanja – zašto je lingvistička granica oko Rijeke Dragonje (Rokave) koju je predložio Kozler postala granica od nacionalnog značenja. Iako je danas navedena granica često osporavana, teško je očekivati da će obje strane odustati od granice koju je jednom odredio laik. Unatoč snažnim prijeporima u slovenskim javnim medijima vezanim uz pitanje treba li međudržavna granica biti na rijekama Mirni i Dragonji, u radu je utvrđeno da je izbor granice u dolini rijeke Dragonje zapravo slovenski. Argumenti se temelje na opsežnoj analizi kartografskih materijala, relevantne literature, dokumenata i statističkih podataka. ; Boundary-making in Istria is an old undertaking. It has actually never ceasesed, not even today. Istrian peninsula has thus undergone substantial boundary shifts during the last couple of centuries (especially after the Venetian demise in 1797). But Istria carries its worldwide fame also due to one of probably the harshest disputes on the post-war European grounds – the Trieste territory dispute. In author's perspective, this dispute is one of the four main corner-stones of the current Slovenian-Croatian boundary dispute. The remaining three include the Kozler's boundary around Dragonja (Rokava) River, the ungraspable notions of Austrian censuses in Istria, and the narratives of partisan settlements on military jurisdiction. However, there are other very important aspects which significantly shaped the development of the dispute, but we will focus at assessing the importance of the aforementioned ones. In this sense, the analysis of the effects of the outcome of the Trieste dispute and its implications to the contemporary interstate dispute is set forth. By unveiling its material and consequently its psychological effects upon the contemporary bilateral relations, its analyses simultaneously reveals backgrounds of never answered question, why Kozler's proposed linguistic boundary around Dragonja (Rokava) River turned out to become a boundary of national character. Though nowadays disputed, there is absolutely no chance for both involved parties to substantially draw away from once decisively drawn line of a layman. Despite the fierce battle of words in Slovenian public media on whether should the interstate boundary be placed on Mirna (Quieto) or Dragonja Rivers, it will be argued here that the actual choice of the Valley of Dragonja as a boundary is by all means Slovenian. The arguments are based on extensive analyses of cartographic materials, relevant literature, documents, and statistical data.

This is a critical examination of the most elaborate statement of the general will theory. Bosanquet contrasts our "lower," merely "actual" will -- described as a series of momentary & passing, ignorant, routine, commonplace, irrational, barren, mutually conflicting violations -- with our "higher," "true," "real" will, which is a comprehensive & coherent system of stable & long-term, well-informed violations that require self-sacrifice & are expressed in "the great moments of life." His central thesis is that the individuals' "real" will is the "general will" of the community that has been internalized & makes up the individual's "higher," "better" self. The theory is meant to solve the problem of political obligation by showing that, when obeying the law, the individual obeys only himself/herself, & his/her freedom is not curtailed but rather affirmed. The author argues that Bosanquet's argument fails at both crucial steps: it does not succeed in contrasting our "actual" & our "real" will, nor in identifying the latter with the "general will" of our community. The individual will is not embedded in his/her community law the way the theory makes it out to be, & if we have a moral obligation to obey the law, it is not grounded as much in the "general will" of community as in our own "higher," "true" will. Adapted from the source document.

The author's starting point is the principle of contemporary phenomenology: we are able to comprehend & adequately evaluate our own & new regimes in general, only if familiar with their predecessors & their traditions in their otherness. Naturally, in this paper the otherness is neither the essential natural world nor its cosmological structuredness as a universe, but a historical & political world as well as the possibilities of its alterations & transformations. Despite the changes it has gone through in the course of history, it has retained its cultural-historical continuity & its "fundamental features" in the form of a certain, in Husserl's words, "contingent a priori," that precedes certain cultural & historical experiences, but not "the entire experience," as Waldenfels points out. In order to adequately grasp these complex problems of cultural & political world, the author refers to Aristotle who, when asked in the second volume of his Politics about the best state, uses the then known forms of the state to show "what is right & useful in them" & what is not, & also that it is possible not only to transcend the existing forms but to elaborate them & search for "something new." Contrary to the modern reduction of the concept of the state to "the organization of government," Aristotle defines the state by means of three prerequisites: the land, the people, & the government & "always by one of these three components, while the other two are somehow implied." Thus, in all its various forms, the state always includes all these three components: the land as territory, the people as identity & the sum of its citizens, & sovereign government as state authority of the people. Regarding the opportunities for political activity in the contemporary global world, the author opts for a certain practical philosophy that, despite the universal crisis of today's society shows that the practice of good life is still possible & that not everybody has given up on it. This also means that in reflecting upon & in accomplishing the good life it is possible to build upon Aristotle's practical philosophy. Besides the phenomenological & practical philosophy, the final part of the paper looks into the political philosophy of American communitarians & shows that communitarian universalism & historicism are complementary to the European phenomenological & hermeneutical philosophy & productively assist it in developing a new historical thinking as practical knowledge that is applicable to our contemporary situation & that, historically, & in a variety of spheres & at different levels enables us to act ethically/politically in today's global world. 12 References. Adapted from the source document.

There are various assessments, occasion-related & partial analyses, & even empirical evaluations of the recent collective protest of Croatian students, but there is hardly any attempt of a theoretical clarification & comprehension thereof. Having in mind the largely disparate definitions of social movement, the author is of the opinion that, from the standpoint of theory, the demands of rebelled students, the blockade of the faculty, the plenum decision-making & other forms of collective student activity can best be perceived as a form of student movement. For this reason, he first presents various theories of social movements: the classic American theory of collective behavior (ie., its two versions -- the breakdown theory & the theory of relative deprivation), the theory of resource mobilization, the theory of new social movements (especially Touraine's model of understanding new social movements), the theory of networks, the theory of solidarity, & the political-process analysis. Second, the author attempts to apply each of the enumerated conceptual perspectives to the Croatian student movement for charge-free education. Although the presented theories of social movements are critical of one another, this article points out their complementarity. It goes on to show that not all of them are equally adequate for clarification & comprehension of the central issue. In the author's judgment, one of the key reasons why a multi-perspective approach is necessary is the exceptional, hybrid character of the Croatian student movement, as a mixture of old & new social movements. Adapted from the source document.

The article discusses interstate relationships within the European Union & their impact on European Foreign Policy. The author suggests that EU member states, in making a choice between individual or collective action, behave as rational benefit maximizers -- in a way analogous to that described by J. M. Buchanan & G. Tullock. The author also discusses the issue of externalization as described by Schmitter, Haas, & Rowe & its role in the process of the widening of the EU. Consequences of those processes for the Republic of Croatia are also discussed. Adapted from the source document.

Mirovinski sustav ima različite zadaće koje su ponekad i međusobno suprotstavljene. Usprkos očitom poboljšanju materijalnog položaja starijih osoba, sustav međugeneracijske solidarnosti ima i neke neželjene učinke − izobličuje ponudu rada i oblike naknade, povećava gubitke mrtvog tereta doprinosa, uvjetuje pretjeranu preraspodjelu i stvara dugoročno neodrživ pritisak na javne financije. Stoga je u Hrvatskoj provedena mirovinska reforma i uveden sustav osobnih računa. Njegovo moguće zamrzavanje ili ukidanje imalo bi vrlo nepovoljne gospodarske učinke, a dovelo bi i do razbijanja povjerenja u taj sustav štednje. Ono bi samo nakratko ublažilo proračunski deficit, a državi bi stvorilo velike dugotrajne poteškoće u ispunjavanju obveza prema osobama koje su ostvarile mirovinska prava. Cilj ovog rada je pojasniti važnost očuvanja obveznog kapitaliziranog mirovinskog osiguranja (drugog stupa) u Hrvatskoj. U radu se pojašnjavaju njegova najznačajnija obilježja te navode mogućnosti poboljšanja i unapređenja. ; The pension system has different demanding tasks that may sometimes be mutually in conflict. Despite the apparent improvement in the financial position of older people, the intergenerational solidarity system also has some adverse effects. It could distort labour supply and forms of compensation, increase the loss of dead weight effect of social insurance contributions, exaggerate redistribution in the system and create long-term unsustainable pressure on public finances. Therefore, a pension reform was implemented in Croatia and a funded system with personal accounts was introduced. Possible freezing or cancellation of the funded system would have highly unfavourable economic effects and would lead to a breakdown of trust in this savings system. It would only briefly mitigate the budget deficit, while simultaneously it would create great long-lasting difficulties for the government in meeting the obligations towards persons who had acquired pension rights. The purpose of this text is to clarify the importance of preserving compulsory funded (capitalized) pension insurance (the second pillar) in Croatia. The paper explains the most significant features of the funded pension insurance and offers possibilities for improvements.

The author explains the policy account of government & points out that policy is only one of the many possible accounts of the process of government. The policy perspective is characterized by an understanding of government as a more or less conscious attempt to manage collective problems. Still, even inside the policy camp, there are three different accounts of policy: authoritative choice, structured interaction & social construction. The author concludes that the three accounts are complementary & useful for understanding the process of government. References. Adapted from the source document.