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AbstractWhere there is weak state capacity to carry out regulatory, redistributional, and developmental functions characterizing much of the developing world, the role of governance and service delivery is also performed by a myriad of private actors. Institutional reform in the utility sector in developing countries has often failed to distinguish between social and economic regulation. I show how private actors like NGOs and local community groups undertake what I term "regulatory mobilization" to influence the new rules of the service delivery game, as well as to deliver much‐needed basic services to urban poor communities. Based on extensive fieldwork carried out in the Philippines, this article reveals and explains the politics of the informal sector at the edge of the regulatory state. More than a decade since the privatization of the Metropolitan Waterworks and Sewerage System in Metro Manila in 1997, water access for the urban poor remained limited as privatized water utilities faced difficulties in extending service provision. In the context of an unpredictable regulatory landscape and an oligarchic patrimonial state, unexpected collective action by organized urban poor communities and NGOs has taken place around water as a subsistence right. Combining hybrid mobilizations to obtain water as well as influencing the rules governing their provision, these forms of regulatory mobilization appear to be peripheral and episodic. However, depending on how local and sectoral politics are conflated, such regulatory mobilization may sometimes not only result in obtaining subsistence goods, but may also occasionally project countervailing power in the policy sector, and influence formal regulatory frameworks in surprising ways.

[Abstract] The subject of this article is the specificity of Peirce's Agathotopia and the relevance of his thought for the «actual global crisis». Charles Sanders Peirce preferred to be considered a pragmaticist (CP 5414) and focused on the research of the evolutionary process which leads to the summum bonum where Aesthetics, Ethics and Logics converge into the same purpose, the Wellness (EP 2.27). Locus of Wellness - Agathotopia - term used by James Edward Meade, Nobel Prize award in Economics (1977), has come out in the universe of political economy. It would possibly be a model for the construction of a good society to live in, as an ideal place depicted by Thomas Moore's Utopia (1516). According to Peirce, the so-called - Agathotopia - different and original, will not be reduced to a specific and ideal geographical place to live as sought by the utopias, and even less a post-death base as the religions postulate. It would be neither a socio-political nor an economic model to promote the collective welfare in the reality of the existential universe. Peirce's Agathotopia has been proposed in all his scientific metaphysical architecture, in his realistic philosophy and logic of his objective idealism, in his Synechism, into the ongoing semioses between his three categories, and the evolving process of reasonability, a continuous teleological selfcorrective movement toward the evolutionary enhancement. If Peirce believes in a dynamic mental loving action (evolutionary love) that tends to the Admirable, Fair and True Purpose then he might not be proposing just one more utopia in the history of Philosophy, but Agathotopia for the first time. An tópos to the Summum Bonum

Résumé Les années 1970 forment en France un âge d'or des luttes. Dans les usines notamment, la décennie, marquée par une densification des conflits, inaugure de nouvelles manières de faire grève qui, aux formes plus traditionnelles, mêlent les journées « portes ouvertes », les sit-in, les visites médiatisées de l'usine occupée, les concerts ou encore les manifestations sportives. Destinées à faire de la grève un événement, ces opérations témoignent à leur façon de l'avènement d'une véritable morale événementielle de l'action collective, tout entière travaillée par le souci de se rendre maître des représentations publiques du conflit, et de faire de lui une cause, propre à toucher, à concerner ou à mobiliser « l'opinion ». Marquée par l'exemple accompli de Lip, la longue grève des métallos de l'usine Rateau à La Courneuve (janvier-avril 1974), menée sous l'aiguillon de la CGT, constitue un bon laboratoire. Les archives du conflit témoignent de l'horizon événementiel que les grévistes ont alors donné à la conduite de leur lutte. Dans et hors de l'usine, mobilisant les ressorts locaux et nationaux de l'indignation, ils multiplient les performances publiques : manifestations de rue, bien sûr, mais aussi conférences de presse, exposition, match de football et concert de soutien. Faisant en sorte qu'il se passe toujours quelque chose et prenant soin de conformer leur action aux sensibilités événementielles du moment, ils s'emploient à faire parler de la grève et à lui donner du prix sur le marché des faits médiatiques. La grève des Rateau invite ainsi l'historien sur les traces d'une culture militante de l'événement ; elle autorise aussi de dessiner les contours d'une séquence historique qui voit l'événement s'affirmer parmi les modes d'organisation privilégiés du monde social.

PurposeThe main purpose of this paper is to assess the extent to which employees have benefitted in the internet age and to identify research gaps that surround such activities.Design/methodology/approachThe approach is a combination of a systematic literature review and an empirical analysis of secondary data drawn from press reports of emergent employee internet activities.FindingsThe internet continues to provide fresh and exciting opportunities for the employee to explore in relation to furthering employment‐related interests. However, the internet very much represents a "double‐edged sword" in that the many advantages of the internet can be quickly cancelled out by employer attempts to monitor, control, and exploit for themselves such activities, for their own ends. It is also evident that a full assessment of some activities cannot be made without further research.Research limitations/implicationsThe paper is reliant on extant literature and resources that are known to have limited scholarly application.Practical implicationsA broad and eclectic discussion of employee internet activities is likely to be of interest to academics and human resource practitioners whose interests are based on a blend of employee relations practices and new internet‐based technological developments.Social implicationsThe study addresses how a distinct actor in employee relations has faired in an age denoted by shrinking opportunities for collective action, yet also denoted by rapid developments in empowering user‐generated and social networking forms of information communication technology.Originality/valueThis paper synthesises literature and data from a wide range of largely incongruous academic and non‐academic sub‐disciplines to provide a fresh and authoritative account of emergent employee behaviour.

This article highlights a nefarious effect of elections during civil wars by demonstrating that they can facilitate the displacement of civilians. In contrast to the perception of displacement as haphazard, the author argues that armed groups displace strategically when they attempt to gain control over a territory, and where they have information about civilians' loyalties. Although inferring preferences is difficult in the context of civil wars, elections conducted before or during a violent conflict are one way that armed groups can identify local cleavages and ''disloyal'' residents. The author tests implications of the argument with original, microlevel quantitative and qualitative data from northwest Colombia. Using voter files and disaggregated electoral returns, the author shows that residents in urban neighborhoods that supported the insurgent-backed political party, the Patriotic Union (UP), were more likely to leave the city of Apartadó than were neighbors in other districts. However, residents of the nearby rural communities that supported the UP were the least likely to leave. The author traces the patterns of violence across the communities using local archival materials and interviews to assess how well the argument accounts for the variation observed, and to explore the unexpected outcome in the rural area. While the author finds that counterinsurgents attempted strategic displacement in both the city and the mountains, they only succeeded in the urban areas because residents of the rural hamlets were uniquely able to overcome the collective action problem that strategic displacement generates. The findings demonstrate that political identities are relevant for patterns of violence, and that cleansing occurs even in nonethnic civil wars.

This paper complements the traditional realist perspective (TP) with the strategic triangle theory (ST) in analyzing alliance formation and shift in East Asia. Alliance is perceived as a marriage triangle, and is subject to the dynamics of strategic actions taken by players to elevate their roles in the game. During the Cold War, two hierarchically structured alliance systems opposed each other in East Asia. Power shift in the continental system disrupted the Sino-Soviet pact, while hegemonic stability in the maritime system buttressed the U.S.-led alliance. The division in the continental system offered Washington opportunities to befriend Beijing and buttress its position in the U.S.-Soviet-PRC strategic triangle. Washington's allies were prompted to act likewise. The tension in competitive rapprochement was absorbed by the hegemonic structure of the maritime system. The result was collective hedging (balancing-cum-engagement). In the post-ColdWar era, the predominance of the United States caused the revival of theBeijing-Moscownexus, nowconstructed as an equal partnership. Again one finds the continental and themaritime systems facing each other. Cross-system hedging is inevitable as this would increase the payoff of strategic players. Russia and Taiwan are examined in the above context, combining the perspectives of both TP and ST. The rise of China is expected to cause tension in the continental system, as predicted by the internal security dilemma. The rise of China also impacts on the maritime system by both increasing the tendency to balance it (as predicted by TP),and to improve relations with it (as predicted by ST), hence prompting hedging. However, hedging is difficult for Taiwan, for it is only loosely connected to the maritime alliance. (Issues Stud/GIGA)

As it pertains to Native Americans, the tension between the law and society has, over time, resulted in significant political and legal consequences. My paper examines the evolution of tribal sovereignty under federal law in an attempt to uncover some of the prevailing historical causes of the unique status of Native Americans under the law, and how history has played its role in determining social conditions on tribal lands. I maintain that the rhetorical construction of European self-identity contributed to the perception of native peoples as existing apart from white society in the United States from the colonial era onward. Work by several scholars of rhetoric and political discourse is presented to demonstrate how the collective self-identity of a people can be constituted through discourse, and how that discourse can determine the actions of a given people. The work of Maurice Charland, who first edified the theory of constitutive rhetoric, is given primacy in this discussion. In the case of Europeans in North America, a discourse which promoted the primacy of the colonizing nation, combined with the hostility of Native Americans to the establishment of colonies on the Atlantic coast, led to a perception that native peoples existed at odds with civilization. Examination of US Supreme Court decisions, legislation enacted by Congress, and the experiences of Native Americans as documented by historical case study demonstrate that this attitude remained intact after Native American lands became part of the United States. Statistical data and other scholarly work suggest that this perception is partly responsible for the social conditions in which Native Americans now live.

В статье рассматривается проблема исследования функциональных характеристик этического основания и определение адекватной современному обществу структуры ценностей и норм, характеризующих политическое поведение. Анализ этического основания предполагает первоначально исследование специфики социокультурных основ казахстанского общества. Этические основания реализуются специальными инструментами ценностными ориентациями и моральными нормами. Исследование основ кочевой культуры и последующей за ней культуры советской дает автору право считать что ни традиционная этика, ни коммунизм уже не могут выступать фундаментальным этическим основанием политического поведения субъекта демократического нового общества. Этическое основание политического поведения должно соответствовать национальному характеру и должно учитывать сложившуюся структуру организации казахстанского общества. ; This paper examines ethical bases for the national political behavior in the context of Kazakhstan. The author contends that in contrast to the Western emphasis on compliance with specified rules, the local culture outlines acceptable standards of behavior as defined by the tribe and demonstrated by its leader. The notion of freedom in Kazakh culture is not perceived as a symbol of progress neither for the individual nor the society as a whole. Only by cultivating a sense of community, leader's actions would be viewed as standards to follow. So the collective nature of Kazakh nomadic-age ethics was congruent with Soviet interpretation of Marxism, which accounted for their convergence in the Soviet age. However, as the paper argues these moral bases ceased to reflect the reality of present-day Kazakhstan, which urges reconsidering its ethical norms for political behavior to be grounded on the new societal organization, national character, pursuit of individual wealth as a factor of progress, and the global information age.

Internet ha supuesto una de las mayores revoluciones en nuestra actual sociedad. La anulación de fronteras físicas y temporales en las posibilidades de comunicación han supuesto un gran avance. Así mismo, los y las menores son uno de los colectivos que está aumentando en su uso de Internet. Esto ha supuesto que la prevención de los abusos a menores haya tomado otra dimensión mucho mayor que requiere de una gran coordinación internacional si se quiere resolver mientras, paralelamente, también se trabaja para su prevención. El presente artículo, expone algunos de los datos que muestran la visibilización de este problema, y algunas de las propuestas de actuación que se están llevando a cabo para su detección y prevención, con las que todos y todas las profesionales de la educación debemos familiarizarnos para contribuir a erradicar dicho problema. Internet has become one of the greatest revolutions in our current society. The suppression of physical and temporal borders in the possibilities of communications has become an immense advancement. In addition, the minors are one of the collectives that are increasing their use of Internet. This has supposed for the abuse prevention of minors to take a major new dimension that requires a vast international coordination if the aim is to solve it while in parallel there is also a work of prevention. This article, show some of the data that illustrates the visibility of the problem and some proposals for action that are taking place for its detection and prevention in which all the professionals of education should be familiarized to contribute to the eradication of this problem.

After an initial period of feminist theorizing concerned with understanding patriarchy as a structure of male domination, many thinkers turned away from theorizing domination as such and focused instead on women's (constructed) subjectivity, identity, and agency. While this has fostered important insights into the formation of women's preferences, desires, and choices, this focus on subjectivity and subject formation has largely overshadowed deeper understandings of patriarchy as a structure of male domination while producing elisions between agency and freedom. In this article, I move to show how domination as a structural concept can help us to reclaim the idea of 'patriarchy' as a source of women's systematic oppression while freedom as non-domination, derived from early republican conceptualizations of freedom, can help us to disambiguate freedom from agency by taking as central the relative positions of actors within social and political structures. Structural freedom as non-domination is thus useful for feminist thinkers in that it gives us critical purchase on the dynamics inherent in unequal social and political relationships and can be linked clearly to the institutions and ideologies that shape and justify interactions between more powerful and less powerful groups. Further, from this point of view intersecting structures of domination can be analysed rather than intersecting identity categories, allowing us to take intersectionality into account and avoiding the need to ground feminist action on a unitary 'category woman'. Finally, this analysis points toward the radical democratic connexion between freedom and participation in the creation of the material and symbolic structures that frame our collective lives.

Local politics can be evaluated as an outstanding field of negotiation and social exchange that emblematize the deep transformations of the Spanish society due to the massive migration processes of the last decade. This article debates the magnitude of political change that was introduced by granting immigrants (mainly EU citizen) with active and passive voting rights, analyzing empirically observed forms of political participation at the Mediterranean coastal areas. This analysis is conceptually framed through the debate of two theoretical notions, namely the role European citizenship and European Identity play for the transformation of local politics. Both ideas are conceptualized and empirically debated as practices of EU rights and capacities formed by collective action that refers to the "Idea" of Europe. ; La política local es un campo de negociación e intercambio social en el cual se perciben de forma destacada las profundas transformaciones que la sociedad española vivió a partir de los procesos masivos de inmigración de la última década. Este texto debatirá, a través de un análisis empírico de las formas de participación política en la costa mediterránea, qué alcance y magnitud de cambio introduce el derecho de voto activo y pasivo de extranjeros comunitarios. Para ese análisis, se efectúa un enlace conceptual entre la participación política a nivel local y algunas nociones teóricas como la ciudadanía europea. Los dos conceptos claves del debate, es decir, la ciudadanía europea y las referencias a identidades europeas, se piensan como una práctica diaria que se expresa activamente en cuestiones de índole político a nivel local.

During the last decade the context in which farmers must manage their farm has changed rapidly, and often with little warning. Dramatic price swings for agricultural commodities, more stringent quality requirements, new environmental regulations, the debates surrounding genetically modified crops, extreme climatic events, the demand for energy crops, the revision of the Common Agricultural Policy and the consequences of the financial crisis all create uncertainty regarding future threats and potentials. During such turbulent times, a one-sided focus on efficient production is no longer enough. Farmers also need to be able to cope with unexpected events and to adapt to new developments. Based on a literature review, we identify three strategies that strengthen the adaptive capacity of a farm: learning through experimenting and monitoring its outcomes, ensuring a flexible farm organisation to increase the options for new activities by the farm family, and diversifying to spread risks and create buffers. Implementing these strategies enlarges the farmer's room to manoeuvre and allows identifying transition options. These options do not depend only on the farm itself, but also on the farmer's ability to mobilise external resources and to engage in collective action. Change is then no longer seen as a disturbance, but as a trigger for the reorganisation of resources, and for the renewal of the farm organisation and activities. Implementing these strategies comes at a cost, so that farmers need to tackle the inevitable trade-offs between efficiency and adaptability. However, unless farmers master this challenge they cannot ensure the sustainability of their farms

Editorial. ; Aguilar C., Vladimir A. ; Artículos ; Paradoja de la desobediencia civil en Venezuela: la frustración de la acción colectiva. ; Venezuela Civil disobedience's paradox: Collective action frustration. ; Pierina Pérez, Marian ; Avatares del espacio público en América Latina: una eterna transición. ; Latin American public field's avatars: and endless transition. ; Andara M., Abraham Enrique ; La nueva coyuntura geopolítica de Bolivia. ; The new geopolitical situation in Bolivia. ; Portillo, Alfredo ; Revisión teórico-conceptual sobre el federalismo desde una perspectiva multidisciplinaria. ; Theoretical review regarding federalism from a multidisciplinary point of view. ; Grimaldo Lorente, Jaime ; La responsabilidad política del Presidente de la República en el derecho constitucional francés: la reforma del 19 de febrero del 2007. ; The Political Responsibility of the President of the Republic in the French Constitutional Law: The 19 February 2007 Reform. ; de Cazals, Marie y Mata Marcano, Gladys ; Documentos ; De cómo los latinoamericanos percibimos la pena de muerte. ; On the way we, Latin-Americans, perceive the death penalty. ; Rodríguez Ferrara, Mauricio ; NO al ALCA. ; NO to the FTAA ; Peralta, Mario ; Reseñas ; Molina Campano, Eduardo: ¿Qué es y hacia dónde va la Revolución Bolivariana?. ; Por un verdadero partido revolucionario.Por un programa de transición al socialismo. Editorial IMMECA. Mérida, Venezuela, 2006. ; What is and where is going the Bolivarian Revolution to? For a real revolutionary party For a real transitional program towards socialism ; Reseñado por: Andara M., Abraham Enrique ; Aguilar Castro, Vladimir y Andara, Abraham Enrique : Política, tendencias y contratendencias. ; Politics, tendencies and contra tendencies. ; Reseñado por: Astorga V, Javier E. ; 155-161 ; semestral ; Nivel analítico

Editorial. ; Aguilar C., Vladimir A. ; Artículos ; Paradoja de la desobediencia civil en Venezuela: la frustración de la acción colectiva. ; Venezuela Civil disobedience's paradox: Collective action frustration. ; Pierina Pérez, Marian ; Avatares del espacio público en América Latina: una eterna transición. ; Latin American public field's avatars: and endless transition. ; Andara M., Abraham Enrique ; La nueva coyuntura geopolítica de Bolivia. ; The new geopolitical situation in Bolivia. ; Portillo, Alfredo ; Revisión teórico-conceptual sobre el federalismo desde una perspectiva multidisciplinaria. ; Theoretical review regarding federalism from a multidisciplinary point of view. ; Grimaldo Lorente, Jaime ; La responsabilidad política del Presidente de la República en el derecho constitucional francés: la reforma del 19 de febrero del 2007. ; The Political Responsibility of the President of the Republic in the French Constitutional Law: The 19 February 2007 Reform. ; de Cazals, Marie y Mata Marcano, Gladys ; Documentos ; De cómo los latinoamericanos percibimos la pena de muerte. ; On the way we, Latin-Americans, perceive the death penalty. ; Rodríguez Ferrara, Mauricio ; NO al ALCA. ; NO to the FTAA ; Peralta, Mario ; Reseñas ; Molina Campano, Eduardo: ¿Qué es y hacia dónde va la Revolución Bolivariana?. ; Por un verdadero partido revolucionario.Por un programa de transición al socialismo. Editorial IMMECA. Mérida, Venezuela, 2006. ; What is and where is going the Bolivarian Revolution to? For a real revolutionary party For a real transitional program towards socialism ; Reseñado por: Andara M., Abraham Enrique ; Aguilar Castro, Vladimir y Andara, Abraham Enrique : Política, tendencias y contratendencias. ; Politics, tendencies and contra tendencies. ; Reseñado por: Astorga V, Javier E. ; 169-173 ; semestral ; Nivel analítico

Editorial. ; Aguilar C., Vladimir A. ; Artículos ; Paradoja de la desobediencia civil en Venezuela: la frustración de la acción colectiva. ; Venezuela Civil disobedience's paradox: Collective action frustration. ; Pierina Pérez, Marian ; Avatares del espacio público en América Latina: una eterna transición. ; Latin American public field's avatars: and endless transition. ; Andara M., Abraham Enrique ; La nueva coyuntura geopolítica de Bolivia. ; The new geopolitical situation in Bolivia. ; Portillo, Alfredo ; Revisión teórico-conceptual sobre el federalismo desde una perspectiva multidisciplinaria. ; Theoretical review regarding federalism from a multidisciplinary point of view. ; Grimaldo Lorente, Jaime ; La responsabilidad política del Presidente de la República en el derecho constitucional francés: la reforma del 19 de febrero del 2007. ; The Political Responsibility of the President of the Republic in the French Constitutional Law: The 19 February 2007 Reform. ; de Cazals, Marie y Mata Marcano, Gladys ; Documentos ; De cómo los latinoamericanos percibimos la pena de muerte. ; On the way we, Latin-Americans, perceive the death penalty. ; Rodríguez Ferrara, Mauricio ; NO al ALCA. ; NO to the FTAA ; Peralta, Mario ; Reseñas ; Molina Campano, Eduardo: ¿Qué es y hacia dónde va la Revolución Bolivariana?. ; Por un verdadero partido revolucionario.Por un programa de transición al socialismo. Editorial IMMECA. Mérida, Venezuela, 2006. ; What is and where is going the Bolivarian Revolution to? For a real revolutionary party For a real transitional program towards socialism ; Reseñado por: Andara M., Abraham Enrique ; Aguilar Castro, Vladimir y Andara, Abraham Enrique : Política, tendencias y contratendencias. ; Politics, tendencies and contra tendencies. ; Reseñado por: Astorga V, Javier E. ; 115-144 ; mgladys@ula.ve ; semestral ; Nivel analítico